By Dr. Baldev B. Matlani

Language is an apt reflection of the life, culture and the living pattern of a nation. One could procure the history of a nation through the history of their language. Early indicators reveal that the Sindhi language, which has its roots in the Mohan-jo-Daro civilization, underwent a subsequent transformation over the years due to the influences of Aryan, Persian, Greek, Arabic and English languages in the ancient eras.

Arabian tourists like Al-Berooni, through their travelogues “Kitab-Ul-Hind” (1030 A.D.), or the writings on the tablets found from Bhambhore reveal that before the advent of Arabs into Sindh (712-1051 A.D.), Sindhi was prevalent in Sindh and used in day-to-day dealings. Not only was it spoken but also written in the form of different scripts. Al-Berooni has cited many Sindhi words proving that Sindhi, even in those days was a widely spoken language and rich in vocabulary. The seals found from Mohan-jo-Daro lead us to believe that they must have had some mechanism to read, write and teach Sindhi language. In the 8th century many Arabian educationists and thinkers, settled in Sindh contributed lavishly to the enrichment of the Sindhi language along with teaching their own language. During the Soomra era (1051-1351 A.D.), the rulers too contributed to the teaching of Sindhi language, and also to the spread of the Islamic faith. The scholars used Sindhi language, in addition to Kachhi, Gujarati and Siraki to unravel the mysteries of Shariah, Sufism and Spiritual pursuits. All of these were written in an indigenous Sindhi script (40 letter Khwajiki). This leads us to believe that even during the 11th century, the Sindhi language was extensively used in literature, trade and also in the day-to-day affairs.

Al-Berooni has cited many Sindhi words proving that Sindhi, even in those days was a widely spoken language and rich in vocabulary

The Sammas (1351-1521 A.D.) established many seminaries to impart Islamic education onto the Sindhi population and the city of Thatta became the focal point of education and literary research works. The city attracted many scholars from as distant places as, Iran, Afghanistan, Khurasan and other Central Asian countries. Thus the Sindhi language got a fillip. Many renowned poets like Qazi Qadan, Isahaque Ahangar and Makhdoom Ahmed Bhatti came to the fore during this period. The times of Arghons, Turkhans and Moghuls (1521-1719 A.D.) saw the emergence of poets like Shah Lutufullah Qadri, Shah Karim and Makhdoom Nooh, who were immortalize through their classical poetry. “Bayan-ul-Aarfeen”, a historical masterpiece was also written in those times.

The British declared Sindhi the official language of Sindh, in place of Persian in the year 1848

The rein of Kalhoras (1719-1783 A.D.) brought new twists and techniques to Sindhi language. The Kalhora era saw emergence of Makhdoom Abu-al-Hassan ‘Sindhi’, Makhdoom Ziauddin and Makhdoom Mohammad Moin Thatvi. It is termed as a golden era of Sindhi literature as the trinity of Sindhi literature, Shah, Sachal and Sami belongs to this period. Even in the days of Talpurs (1783-1843 A.D.), Sindhi was taught alongside Islamic education in madrasahs in Sindh. Prior to the British invasion, during the days of Kalhoras and Talpurs, Sindhi was enriched by many a great lover of the language. Apart from the well-known trinity of Sindhi literature, other great poets like Abdul Rauf Bhatti, Dalpat and Rohal contributed to the enrichment of the language. Apart from its usage for daily communications, the Sindhi language was extensively used in business transactions. The Khwajas, Memons and Sindhi Hindus wrote it in their respective scripts.

In 1851 (Sir) Bartle Frere issued a circular requiring all officers in civil employ to pass an examination in colloquial Sindhi

The British rule (1843-1947) set up new institutions where education in the English language could be imparted. In the following years they attempted to make it a compulsory medium of instruction, but despite novel initiations their efforts met with limited success. Subsequently, the Bombay Board of Education took up the question of organizing an educational agency in Sindh, and about the same time there was a movement in favour of making Sindhi, the official language of Sindh. A few of the English officials could speak Sindhi and the records were kept in mongrel Persian. Further, in 1851 (Sir) Bartle Frere issued a circular requiring all officers in civil employ to pass an examination in colloquial Sindhi, but the language could neo be used for official correspondence until it had an approved script of alphabet. Captain (Sir) Richard Burton strongly advocated the adoption of Arabic alphabet, with such addition of dots and signs that would be necessary to indicate peculiar Sindhi phonetics. Captain Geroge Stack, the only one on par with Sir Burton’s Knowledge of Sindhi language, contended for the adoption of any of the Hindu-Sindhi alphabets already in use among traders, with similar modifications. Mr. Frere was of the opinion that Hindus would not learn a particular script, whereas neither would the Muslims condescend to use the other. However in 1853, the court of directors of the East India Company decided that the Arabic alphabet script should have a trial and sanctioned n annual expenditure of ` 10,000/- for education purposes. Thus, Mr. Frere appointed Mr. Ellis B. H. and provided him with the assistance of some native scholars, such as, Rai Bahadur Narain Jagannath Vaidya, Diwan Pribhdas Ramchandani, Diwan Udhara Mirchandani, Diwan Nandiram Mirani, Khan Bahadur Mirza Sadiq Ali Beg, Mian Mohd., Qazi Ghulam Ali and Mian Ghulam Hussain. Their task was to devise an Arabic alphabet script and extend it from the 29 letters to 52 letters. After extensive study, the same was printed and issued in July 1953, after which the preparation of school books by translation from Persian, Urdu, Marathi and Gujarati, went on apace.

The British declared Sindhi the official language of Sindh, in place of Persian in the year 1848, Sir George Clark, the then Governor of Bombay issued this order sot that the language hereinafter could be used in education, literature, and the courts. They regularized the newly adopted Sindhi script and established schools and colleges to impart education in Sindhi language and encouraged the printing of Sindhi books. These steps have largely contributed towards the preservation and progress of the Sindhi language.

Captain George Stack came out with dictionaries in English-Sindhi and Sindhi-English in the year 1849 and 1855 A.D

The contributions by the British towards the Sindhi language are invaluable. Sir Richard Burton in his book ‘Sindh and the Races inhabitant in the Valley of River Indus’ writes, “It (Sindhi) belongs to the Indian class of languages, and is directly derived from Sanskrit; yet it is a perfectly distinct dialect, and not, as has been asserted, a mere corruption of Hindustani . . .” Not very long after Sindhi language was made the official language of Sindh, Captain George Stack came out with dictionaries in English-Sindhi and Sindhi-English in the year 1849 and 1855 A.D. respectively. He utilized the services of Pandit Brahamanand and Sat Chit Anand of Hyderabad (Sindh) and published these dictionaries in the Devanagari script. Continuing his work on the Sindhi language, he further published another book “Grammar of Sindhi language” in the year 1849.

The first major contribution of the British towards the Sindhi language was by Sir Ernest Trumpp. He had a Sindhi typeset specially made in Germany for use in Sindhi printing. This led to the printing of the first ever publication of “Shah-jo-Risalo” from Leipzig, Germany in 1866 in the newly formed official Arabic-Sindhi script. The book was published as a series on Sindhi literature with the permission of Indian government and with the help of Sir Bartle Frere, the then Governor of Bombay Presidency.

The first major contribution of the British towards the Sindhi language was by Sir Ernest Trumpp. He had a Sindhi typeset specially made in Germany for use in Sindhi printing

Dr. Ernest Trumpp in his book ‘Grammar of Sindhi Language,’ published in the year 1872 from London and Leipzig, states, “Sindhi is a pure Sanskritical form of language which is more free from foreign elements than any other of the North Indian dialects. The old Prakirit grammarians may have had their good reasons to designate the Apabhramsa dialect, from which the moder Sindhi is immediately derived as the lowest of all the Prakirit dialects. Btu if we now compare Sindhi with its sister tongues, we must assign to it in a grammatical point of view, the first place among them. It is much more closely related to the ancient Prakirit than Marathi, Hindi, Punjabi and Bengali of our days and it has preserved an exuberance of grammatical forms for which all its sisters may well envy it. . .” Sir Trumpp, in the preface of this 738-page book writes, “There is room for improvement in Sindhi script. Hindustani (Urdu) is taught in Indian missionary schools and they can also learn Sindhi with just the addition of few dots, here and there. . .” George Shirt compiled another dictionary from English-to-Sindhi language. Another Britisher Mr. Beams then worked on a book called “Comparative Grammar of Modern Aryan Languages in India” between 1872 and 1879, and provided sufficient space to the Sindhi language. A few years later in 1884, Mr. Seamore from Karachi published another book titled, ‘A Grammar of the Sindhi Language.’

Subsequently, in the year 1911 Sir George Grierson published the book “Linguistic Survey of India” from Bombay. The volume VIII, part I of the said book released in 1919, contains different specimens of Northwestern languages of Indo-Aryan family. Sindhi and Lahanda languages are explained in detail from a linguistic perspective. It is a highly acclaimed work on the Sindhi language, which encompasses the basic structure through construction, evolution and grammar of the Sindhi language. Many noted scholars do not subscribe to Dr. Trumpp and Sir Grierson’s hypothesis, which states that the Aryan invasion led to the complete displacement of the aborigines. The overwhelming of the indigenous people by the Aryans may have affected their language, lifestyle, customs, traditions, culture and beliefs, but despite this, the Sindhis have still maintained their own culture and civilization even until now after the passage of many millenniums. Sir Grierson in his first volume of the above said book, which got delayed by eight years and published in 1927, after publication of its VIII volume, said, “Sanskrit is not the language of Aryans imported from outside, rather it is a dialect of Udichya of the Prakirit of North-Western areas on the banks of river Indus, perfected by learned people of those times. . .”

Mr. Beams then worked on a book called “Comparative Grammar of Modern Aryan Languages in India” between 1872 and 1879, and provided sufficient space to the Sindhi language

This piece of research by Sir Grierson is so huge that the Sindhi translation of the part I of volume VIII, Dr. Fahmida Hussain, Director, Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai Chair, Karachi University, encompasses 700 odd pages and has been published by the Sindhi Language Authority (Hyderabad – Sindh) in the year 2000.

One of the more precious works by the British, is the book titled, ‘Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit – His poetry, Life and Times’ written by Dr. H. T. Sorley and published in the year March 1938.  It is a thesis written for Doctorate at Oxford University, London. Dr. Sorley while describing Sindhi people in his book’s preface, says, “I dedicate it gratefully to the people of Sindh with whom I have lived during the years. I have been treated with an unprecedented generosity. If my work helps scholars outside Sindh to obtain some idea of the true thought and feeling of the people, who dwell in the lower Indus valley, I shall believe myself to be more than handsomely repaid for all my labor.” The Oxford University Press published this research work of Dr. Sorley, and this is still recognized as the most reliable thesis ever written. He published another book under the title “Musa Pervagons”, in which he has compared the mystic poetry of different languages such as, Greek, Latin, Chinese, French, Arabic, Urdu and Sindhi poets and concluded that none of these poets is comparable to Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai. He explains with total humility, “It is not justifiable to give preference to any one talented poet over another. It will always remain controversial, but as far as my personal opinion is considered of the 13 poets of seven languages, Shah Abdul Latif and his work on mystic poetry, elevating one to a state of trance, shall always stand tall and occupy its place above others. . .”

Such has been the contribution of the British, who have played an unforgettable role in helping the cause of the Sindhi language. This article, due to space constraints may not be a comprehensive report on the British contribution to the Sindhi language, but all the same would have presented you with a fairly good idea on their contribution and works on the Sindhi language. The history of Sindhi language shall always remember the British contribution towards Sindhi language, which helped it find its true place amongst the world’s elite group of developed languages.

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Courtesy: Sindhi Shaan (April-June 2002 Issue)

The post THE ENGLISH CONNECTION TO THE SINDHI LANGUAGE first appeared on Sindh Courier.

From Ismaili Net 

There had been hardly 250 to 300 Ismailis in Jerruk, including those who were famous for their piety and services. The Ismailis resided in the series of houses down the hill. They had built a prayer-hall (jamatkhana) on 100 sq. yards inside the street facing the Mahallat. We are reviewing the period, suffering absolutely with historical documents, and therefore, many eminent characters in Jerruk have not been identified.

Merali Alidina, known as Aloo and his brother, Ghulam Hussain Haji, known as Gulu are however worthy of notice. Gulu commanded good control on the Persian, therefore, the Imam took him in Bombay as an interpreter. A certain Umaid Ali Bachal and Basaria, the father of Merali, Musa Danidina and Allana were also the residents of Jerruk. Sabzali of Tando Bagho is also reported to have come with his family in Jerruk. Bhagat Akhund was also a devout person, reciting the ginans in the prayer-hall in Jerruk, vide a facsimile of the ginans of Bhagat Akhund. Ramal and his son Bambo were also the residents of Jerruk, who daily procured water at the river for the house of the Imam.

Shireen, the mother of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, was the daughter of Musa, the son of Juma. The father of Juma was Vali, who also came with the Aga Khan from Iran and had been also in Jerruk. It is also learnt that some Ismailis in Bhuj, Kutchh had decided to go to East Africa to accelerate their economy. They had to sail from the port of Mandavi for Zanzibar, but changed their program. They first came in Jerruk via Ramki Bazar to see the Imam, and then they proceeded to Karachi and sailed for Zanzibar.

Subazi’ Aliov, an Uzbek Ismaili leader, who confronted Commander Hosh Muhammad in Hyderabad, passed rest of his life in Mulla Katiar, where he died. He was however buried inside the shrine of Pir Tajuddin.

It has been added to our latest information that Count Subazi’ali (ov), an Uzbek Ismaili leader from Central Asia had also joined the forces of the Aga Khan in 1842. He is said to have confronted the Talpur commander Hosh Muhammad in Hyderabad. He led the Ismaili cavalry in the battle of Miani on February 17, 1843. He also joined the Imam in Jerruk and fought valiantly. He passed rest of his life in Mulla Katiar, where he died. He was however buried inside the shrine of Pir Tajuddin.

Returning the thread of our narrative, it is seen that different accounts are afforded both in oral and written traditions about the figure of the Ismailis who lost their lives in Jerruk. Boileau had received an intelligence and wrote in March 28, 1843 that the Baluchis plundered all the villages between Thatta and Jerruk and that all but 5 to 6 of the Aga Khan’s men were killed. Captain A. Thomas reports on April 8, 1843 that 25 of Aga Khan’s men had survived whom Napier employed at the fort of Hyderabad. It implies that 175 were killed out of 200 soldiers. William Napier writes in “Conquest of Sind” (London, 1845, p. 369) that the Baluchis attacked the Aga Khan’s men in Jerruk and killed 179 of them. A.J. Chunara in his “Nurun Mubin” (Bombay, 1936, pp. 643, 660) gives the figure of 70 casualties in Jerruk. Sherali Alidina, in his book, “Tarikh-i Imamate” (Karachi, 1952, pp. 150, 331-333) writes on the authority of his parents, who related to him that their parents took part in the action and that the number of killed was 72.

We have referred to above that the Imam had given the status of the martyr (shahid) of Karbala to those who sacrificed their lives in Jerruk. It seems to have led the followers to cultivate an idea that 72 persons should have been killed in the encounter, since 72 persons had been killed at Karbala with Imam Hussain, the son of Hazrat Ali bin Abu Talib. Thus, the Ismailis tinged the figure with the incident and the theory of 70 or 72 martyrs, a bombastic figure had been fabricated in the oral traditions. Later on, it also reflected in the published sources after a hundred years. The question “How many persons had been actually killed in Jerruk?” remains yet unanswered.

37 Ismailis and 6 Persian soldiers of the Imam were killed and 150 persons were injured in Jerruk

On November 27, 1843, the Aga Khan wrote a letter to Sir Charles Napier (vide E.S.L.I., or the Enclosures to Secret Letters from India, 95, No. 10, No. 5 of January 20, 1844), in which he mentioned, “In Sind I have done good service. I lost nearly 150 men; I was also plundered of a large amount of property.”

The scrutiny of the accessible records throw a flood of light that the Aga Khan was provided an unconfirmed report of 150 casualties. Later on, it was investigated that 150 in the given report actually represented the figure of the wounded, and not dead. The final figure was 43, comprised of 37 followers and 6 Persian soldiers and 150 were wounded. These figures had been quoted in a letter of March 22, 1848 to Lord Delhousie, the Governor General, the Aga Khan wrote from Calcutta that, “When I had only 20 Sowars with me at Jerruck and the rest of my followers were detached in parties of about 15 to 20 men at each stage between Kurrachee and Hyderabad, I was suddenly attacked by the Baluchis, six Persians and thirty seven of my disciples were killed and nearly one hundred and fifty wounded. Four of the troopers stationed at Naggar Thatta were killed and the rest dispersed, no loss was sustained by the other detachments, some of whom were at Kurrachee under Captain Preedy and the remainder employed on duty at Meerpoor.” (Vide “Board’s Collections” III & No. 3 of 77 of September 27, 1848) This should be a conclusive figure till further discovery that 37 Ismailis and 6 Persian soldiers of the Imam were killed and 150 persons were injured in Jerruk. Among them, twenty had become the victims of the arrow-shooting, ten were killed at the outskirts of the town and seven servants of the Imam were put to death inside the town. It also infers from “Athar-i Muhammadi” that 37 Ismailis had been killed.

Aga Khan with his 30 followers had joined Napier once again in the battle of Dubba. After the battle, Napier had again posted him for a short time near Gharo to secure the communication with Karachi.

Soon after his arrival, the Aga Khan built his residency called the Mahallat in Jerruk on the site of 850 square yards. The residence still exists in Jerruk as an old monument of the Ismailis.

It seems likely that the Aga Khan with his 30 followers had joined Napier once again in the battle of Dubba. After the battle, Napier had again posted him for a short time near Gharo to secure the communication with Karachi.

In the meantime, Sir Charles Napier wrote to Sher Muhammad Khan on April 7, 1843 warning him to give back to the Aga Khan the plunder he took from Jerruk. Accordingly, he wrote that, “Chief! if you will give back to Aga Khan the plunder you took from Jerruck, and come in and make your salaam to me, I will pardon, and be your friend, and your jagirs shall be respected.” He also wrote to Ellenborough on April 20, 1843 that he had occupied Jerruk with a company of the 15th Native Infantry, supported by the influence of the Aga Khan.

Before departure of the Aga Khan from Jerruk, Captain Preedy posted Munshi Lalchand of Thatta in Jerruk as a mukhtiyarkar, i.e., the local magistrate.

Soon afterwards, the Imam came in Karachi after getting what had been plundered by Sher Muhammad Khan. There had been three roads from Jerruk to Karachi. The first via Soonda, Thatta and Gharo (96 miles), the second via Khoodie, Halleji and Gharo (89 miles and 2 furlongs) and the third via Khoodie, Jim and Run Pitteani (84 miles and 1 furlong). The British army followed the first of these routes and it is probable that the Imam had travelled on that route and reached Karachi after six days on September, 1844 when the population of the town was about 8000 including 200 Ismailis.

Jerruk had been announced as the headquarters (darkhana) on March 21, 1843. It enjoyed the esteem status for about 21 months till Bombay had been declared the next headquarters on December 16, 1845.

He left Karachi on October 7, 1844 and proceeded to Kutchh by sea, which was his first marine trip. He travelled through Kathiawar and reached Bombay on December 16, 1845, and declared Bombay as his headquarters (darkhana).

During the visit to Jerruk on October 3, 1999, the author found that there were only three Ismailis in the town, viz. Dr. Nizar, Abdul Hussain and Amir Ali. The prayer-hall (jamatkhana) had been closed in the period of Mukhi Nazarali Datoo and Kamadia Akbarali Ghulam Hussain in 1990, when there were only four houses of the Ismailis.

It is worthwhile to ponder at a focal point that Jerruk had been announced as the headquarters (darkhana) on March 21, 1843. It enjoyed the esteem status for about 21 months till Bombay had been declared the next headquarters on December 16, 1845. When the Imam left Jerruk, it seems that Jerruk was virtually no more headquarters. There are however certain reasons to transfer the headquarters from Jerruk to Bombay, which are discussed briefly as under:-

It is much nearer to reasonable possibility to assert that the longer duration of the headquarters in Jerruk would have prompted the local Ismailis to wreak their revenge on their enemies, which had remedied nothing. It is also probable that the enemies had raided several times in presence of the Imam in his headquarters. Thus, the transfer of headquarters seems a wise decision.

The Imam had migrated from Iran to India to guide his followers, who were down trodden in economic and social fields. He was to enhance the welfare of his followers. He had to breathe a new life into the dead class of the Indian followers and bring them within the fold of the new educated community. He did not like to involve or engage in a trifling occurrence of Jerruk. He therefore, shifted his headquarters at Bombay, which proved far better nerve-center for many years.

The Ismailis in Makran coast in Baluchistan State lived in the rocky regions, having fighting spirit. Jerruk was more near for them than Bombay. To this we must add the likelihood that some of them had taken revenge from the raiding tribes, who also belonged to Makran coast. Had the shifting not taken place, it is possible that the Makran coast had inherited the enmity of Jerruk. In other words, the hostility had spread from Sind to Baluchistan.

In the cultural tendency of the Indian Ismailis, the reverence to the shrines in most places was in vogue. In the locality of Jerruk, the veneration of Sayed Fateh Ali Shamsi would have also paved favourable field to the intense veneration of the martyrs of Jerruk had it exercised the status of the headquarters for a long period.

The more the people had visited Jerruk, the more clouds of traditions would have been thickened, tinged with folklore and legend. The followers in other regions had received its fragments and incorporated in their own traditions, resulting the historical facts shrouded, and it would have become difficult to brush them aside. In other words, the historicity of the incident would have been blanketed mistily in florid and bombastic style absolutely bereft of historical value. The event was yet in the cradle in its embryonic stage and before it took its root, the Imam had taken a timely decision to remove his headquarters.

It is possible that the writers and poets among the visiting class might have heard the bits and shreds of the tragedy from the local people and had endorsed the valour of the martyrs in the language of exaggerated admiration and that have become a source to excite the followers in other parts of India. The Imam did not like it, therefore, he changed his headquarters.

Let it be clearly understood the concluding and crowning point according to the landmark principle of Ismailism that once the Imam gazette a person as a Shahid, who sacrificed his life for the cause of religion, the question of vengeance does not arise at all, and none is allowed to seethe for revenge. The transference of the headquarters itself indicates that the Ismailis are a tight knit and peaceful community under the guidance of the Imam in every age. (Concludes)

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Courtesy: Ismaili Net

Click here for Part-I, Part-II  and Part-III 

The post Jherruk and the Ismailis during the British rule (Part-IV) first appeared on Sindh Courier.

From Ismaili Net 

The Ismailis celebrated the occasion of Navroz with great pomp and jubilation for the first time with the Imam on Indian soil on March 21, 1843 in Jerruk, where few marriages were also performed in presence of the Imam. On the day of Navroz, the Imam declared Jerruk as his headquarters (darkhana) in India and reappointed Datoo, another son of Merali as the Mukhi of Jerruk Jamatkhana. It became a place of rendezvous of the Ismailis from Kutchh in south, Sind and Baluchistan in the west and the Punjab and the Frontier in the north.

Vesso and Vali were very rich and their reputation prompted the jealousy of their implacable enemies, who were in search of an opportune moment to strike them. In sum, the Ismailis in Jerruk lived at that time amidst the teeth of bitterest opposition and harsh storms.

The Jokia tribe originally the Summa tribe of Rajputs, resided in Gharo, near Thatta. Their chief, who was known as the Jam, ruled them. According to “Gazetteer of the Province of Sindh” (Bombay, 1927, 1st vol., p. 8), “The Jokias infested the Delta two centuries ago, robbing merchants, and dominated the country about Karachi under the Mirs, enjoying lucrative privileges in return for the duty of furnishing a contingent of fighting men when required.”

The Kalmatis, who are wrongly associated with the Karmatis, were the Baluchi tribe in Makran, where they lived for some time before coming to Sindh

Most of the Abyssinian slaves in Sindh were imported from Muscat and other harbors of the eastern coast of Arabia, known as the Nomeria, Lumria, Naumardi or Numeri. Some of them constituted a large part of the population of Las Bela and held most of the hills at the time of British conquest. In the large block of hill between Sehwan, Kotri and Karachi the principal inhabitants were the Numeris.

The Kalmatis, who are wrongly associated with the Karmatis, were the Baluchi tribe in Makran, where they lived for some time before coming to Sindh. They penetrated into Mirpur Sakaro in district Thatta, where their chief obtained a jagir on the condition that he would muster his tribe for the defence of Thatta when required.

Most of the Abyssinian slaves in Sindh were imported from Muscat and other harbors of the eastern coast of Arabia, known as the Nomeria, Lumria, Naumardi or Numeri

In the beginning of 1843, these three tribes, i.e., the Jokia commanded by Jam Meherali, Numeri led by Malik Ahmed Khan and Kalmati headed by Malik Ibrahim Khan; gathered together under the orders of the Mirs of Hyderabad to attack the British camp at Karachi, but they failed and retreated.

These three tribes, comprised of 4000 armed men, then proceeded from Thatta to Jerruk headed by Mir Sher Muhammad Khan upon the instructions from Hyderabad, while Muhammad Khan Khushak turned towards Thatta with 2000 soldiers. In the encounter, about 10 Ismailis are reported to have been killed near Thatta. He then joined the principal force of Sher Muhammad Khan to launch their hostile operations against Jerruk.

Hitherto, these tribes had threatened to attack Jerruk a dozen times or so, but failed. On the evening of March 23, 1843, the Aga Khan had just finished his dinner, and was preparing for a rest on a swing when all of a sudden, a faithful in immense fear rushed, bringing the intelligence that a large body of Numeris with the help of the Jam Jokia had arrived within a mile of Jerruk, that he himself had seen them, and hurried on to give the Imam news, lest he and his heroes should be attacked unawares. It is narrated that a group of the people belonging to the Mallick and Numeri, the deadly enemies of the Ismailis, also joined Sher Muhammad Khan, each among them was shouting, “Vesso, Vesso” and “Vali, Vali”, indicating their overt hostility and derogatory designs for Vesso and Vali. Soon the enemies in the most ferocious and rapacious mood, dashed into the town.

Three tribes, comprising of 4000 armed men proceeded from Thatta to Jerruk headed by Mir Sher Muhammad Khan upon the instructions from Hyderabad and. Muhammad Khan Khushak turned towards Thatta with 2000 soldiers. In the encounter, about 10 Ismailis are reported killed near Thatta.

On that occasion, about one thousand Ismailis, men, women and children are reported to have gathered from far and near in Jerruk. Vesso and his two brothers, Vali and Mukhi Datoo, fearing large massacre of the Ismailis, came out with Holy Koran on their heads, requesting the raiders not to kill the innocent people. Instead of showing mercy, the Baluchi chief Ahmed Khan Qajar came forward and beheaded the three brothers inhumanly and quenched the thirst of jealousy with their blood. According to another tradition, some enemies dismounted from their camels and horses and entered the town with unshielded swords, asking each one, “Where are Vesso and Vali?” It is also said that both Vesso and Vali kept themselves hidden into the heap of unginned cotton. When the enemies found their whereabouts, Ahmed Khan Qajar set it on fire at once. Mukhi Datoo is said to have rushed to extinguish it, but the enemies killed him brutally. In sum, Vesso, Vali and Datoo became the first victims. Looking an overwhelm fire, the morale of the people fell. It spread so much terror and panic that no one knew what was actually happening, and the people began to flee in this chaos.

Some enemies mounted at night on the hill behind the residence of the Ismailis and sent forth a murderous rain of arrows wildly on the town to cause havoc. Soon afterwards, they launched a nocturnal assault from two sides and began to kill the innocent Ismailis indiscriminately. The stalwarts of the small force of the Imam came out to fight with the large army and subdued their attack. At that very moment, the Imam is reported to have predicted that, “The Mirs will no longer remain the rulers of Sind.”

The Aga Khan spurred his fleet horse and advanced briskly at full gallop, penetrating the front ranks of the enemies and fought against overwhelming odds. He was dressed only in a cotton shirt without any protective armour. In this skirmish the handful Ismaili champions forced the enemies to retreat to their fort. The Imam soon wheeled his small squadron and launched a reinforced attack on the fort, not too far from Jerruk. In pursuit, his horse all of a sudden skidded and he also fell on the ground. He was lying swooned on the ground with four teeth broken. The Ismailis quickly hurled themselves into the fray and shielded their master. They are reported to have said to the Imam to give up the fighting and go to Hyderabad for necessary treatment and they would fight and repulse the invaders. Some thirty Ismailis found however difficulties, but managed to escape the battlefield and brought the Imam safely in Hyderabad. H.T. Lambrick writes in “Sir Charles Napier and Sind” (London, 1952, p. 157) that, “The Agha Khan soon afterwards surprised at Jherruk by a body of Baluchis, and had some difficulty in escaping to Hyderabad with a handful of his men.” Before leaving the battlefield, the Aga Khan ordered his cousin, Muhammad Jafar Khan and a certain Mirza Ahmed to rush back to the town along with the message of assurance and treat those who were injured.

The skirmish took place at the outskirts of Jerruk with three principal tribes, while the Numeri and Mallick tribes plundered the town, and snatched forcibly what they found from the guest Ismailis. Soon afterwards, the Jokias also joined and pillaged the house of the Aga Khan

Remnants of the Ismaili cavalry that had survived at the fort, were grouped into a fighting force afresh and gave a tough resistance against the large hosts. Equipped with abundant stamina and vitality with daring and chivalric advance, they eventually turned back the attack. When the enemies took to their heels, they returned to the town, where they found fires everywhere and the dead bodies. The attacking tribes had also gone away. This marked an end of the Battle of Jerruk. It is related that the local people had closed their business for three days, and the atmosphere of the town remained as tense as ever.

It should be noted that the skirmish took place at the outskirts of Jerruk with three principal tribes, while the Numeri and Mallick tribes plundered the town, and snatched forcibly what they found from the guest Ismailis. Soon afterwards, the Jokias also joined and pillaged the house of the Aga Khan and took away a cash money of twenty lac of rupees and the boxes of gold and silver, valuing three lac rupees. The Imam did not mind over the loss of his wealth and sent no person in its pursuit. It is further related that they had plundered the house of Vesso and Vali and carried off 20 kg gold and a large deposit of silver on bullock carts.

In the meantime, the British army inflicted defeat to Sher Muhammad Khan in Hyderabad, who fled from the battlefield. Soon after his recovery, the Aga Khan came in the British camp and stayed with Sir Charles Napier for few days as his guest. Sir Charles Napier was aggrieved on the tragedy of Jerruk and demonstrated his heartfelt sympathy and paid rich tributes to the martyrs. He also offered to bear the loss, but the Imam refused it and said that he had no intention to take revenge. The Aga Khan returned to Jerruk very soon. When the awe-stricken followers beheld their spiritual master in the town, they crowded around him reverently and drew a breath of immense relief.

The incident of Jerruk took a heavy toll of lives and materials of the Ismailis. The dead bodies were buried in a mass-grave in the heart of Jerruk, known as Ganji Shahidan, near the residence of the Imam. The Imam offered Fatiha and paid a glowing and well-deserved tributes to the martyrs and said, “These heroes are like the martyrs of Karbala and their memory shall ever remain green, even their flesh shall never decay.”

According to “Athar-i Muhammadi” (p. 136), the Imam also recited the following touching couplets in Persian on that occasion:-

Gardad  chu  kharab  tan  chigam  jan    bashad,

                                     Viran    chi     shaud    hubab    aman      bashad.

“No affliction should prevail when a body perished, because the soul exists (as if) the bubbles are smashed, but the ocean exists.”

Darushud        ishq       zianish     sud     ast,

                                    Gar jan biruvad  che  baak   janan  bashad.

“Love became a medicine, whose deficit is a profit for me. Doesn’t matter if a body is perished, but one who gives life is in existence.” According to the report of “Sind Observer” (Karachi, April 3, 1949), “Seventy dead bodies of Khojas buried 107 years ago at Imam Bara in Jherruck town, 94 miles by road north-east of Karachi, were found to be fresh on being exhumed recently in the course of digging the foundation for a new mosque for the locality, a Sind government official disclosed. The bodies which lay in a common grave was again interred another site selected for the mosque. The Khojas were believed to have been murdered in a local feud 107 years ago according to local tradition in Jherruck.”

Seventy dead bodies of Khojas buried 107 years ago at Imam Bara in Jherruck town, 94 miles by road north-east of Karachi, were found to be fresh on being exhumed in the course of digging the foundation for a new mosque for the locality

It seems that the Ismailis, who had been present in Jerruk, took no serious notice of the incident and most of them seem to have related the tragedy, but a little in their native places. Not being inclined to perpetuate the struggle and thereby causing further bloodshed, the Imam most possibly seems to have advised his followers not to reckon the incident a serious matter.

The Imam is also said to have awarded sword to each Ismaili warrior who fought with desperate valour. The Imam was highly surprised with their fidelity and devotion. Among them, the best known persons were Khalikdina and his son, Rehmatullah of Gwadar, Count Subazi’ali (ov), Alidina and Baledina, the sons of Assa, etc.

Due to the paucity of historical evidence, it is difficult to ascertain the casualties of the Ismailis in Jerruk. Vesso and his brothers, Vali and Datoo were the first to be martyred. The famous Ismaili merchant of Hyderabad, called Assa had also sent his five sons, and three among them were killed in the encounter, whose names are not known. It is also reported that when the Aga Khan left Iran in 1842, skirting the rocky tracts of Baluchistan, a rumour spread in Gwadar that some Baluchi chiefs near Turbat intended to obstruct the Imam’s caravan. Thus, a group of the young Ismailis rapidly came forward and joined the Imam’s caravan near Turbat as the security guards as far as Jerruk. In the ensuing battle of Jerruk, a young Ismaili of Gwadar, called Thanvar was martyred and his brother, Sayan and another Ismaili, Meru Jindani were wounded. Meru Jindani got his thumb cut and became known as Meru Mundh in Gwadar. It appears that most of the martyrs belonged to Mulla Katiar, about 32 miles from Jerruk and Kutchh, who had come for Imam’s didar. Some members of Akhund family were also killed in the battle. It must be learnt that an Ismaili of Syria, known as Bawa or Baba in Iran had settled in Shahr-i Babak in Kirman, most possibly in the period of Ismaili Imam Abul Hasan Ali (1730-1792). He and his descendant taught Arabic to the family members of the Imams. Among them, Pasand Ali Bawa and his son Muhammad Ali Bawa also migrated with the Aga Khan from Iran and had been in Jerruk.

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Courtesy: Ismaili Net

Click here for Part-I, Part-II 

The post Jherruk and the Ismailis during the British rule (Part-III) first appeared on Sindh Courier.

From Ismaili Net 

The services rendered by the Aga Khan in Sindh were politically speaking of no less importance than those he rendered at Kandhar, since Sindh was regarded as the gateway to India and through it, the foreign conquerors have from time immemorial poured into India. Sir William Lee-Warner has pointed out in “The Protected Princes of India” that, “If Sindh had not fallen to the Company, it must have been either annexed by Afghanistan or absorbed with Lahore by Ranjit Singh.” Soon after the conquest, the Aga Khan again tried to pacify the Mirs and won most of them over to the British side. Sir Charles Napier found in the Aga Khan “a good and brave soldier” and entertained a very high opinion of his political sagacity and chivalry as a leader and soldier.

Soon after the conquest, the Aga Khan again tried to pacify the Mirs and won most of them over to the British side

In those days, the route between Karachi and Hyderabad was controlled mostly by the Jokia tribe and it was difficult for Col. Boileau, who was commanding a British regiment to communicate with Charles Napier. The Jokias and other tribes had created conditions of complete lawlessness and disorder on the outskirts of Karachi. Communication with the outside world was absolutely paralyzed. A detachment of troops which was going from Karachi to Hyderabad to join Charles Napier was attacked at Gujjo by Jokias in 1843 under the leadership of Chakar Khan. Naomul Hotchand (1804-1878) writes in “Memoirs of Seth Naomul Hotchand” (London, 1915, p. 129) that, “The depredations of the Kalmatis, Numries, and of the Jokhias on the outskirts and in the vicinity of Karachi struck terror in the hearts of the people, and all intercourse and communication with the outside world was cut off.” H.T. Lambrick also writes in his “Sir Charles Napier and Sind” (London, 1952, p. 157) that, “Bands of Baluchis had plundered most of the wood and coal stations on the Indus, interrupted the mail route to Bombay via Cutch, and also the direct road to Karachi, whence supplies and artillery had been ordered up. With a view to reopening communications with Karachi, Sir Charles sent the Agha Khan to take post at Jherruk with his followers, some 130 horsemen.”

In sum, plunders and violence and consequent fear of unsafety to person or property, did not cease. Sir Charles Napier, therefore, posted the Aga Khan at Jerruk at the end of February, 1843 to secure communications as well as restore peace between Karachi and Hyderabad. Napier also wrote to Ellenborough on February 25, 1843 that, “As it is a matter of considerable importance to prevent marauding, and as he (the Aga Khan) is not only a brave man, as head of the religious sect, has much influence and numerous followers, I have desired him to do so till I have your Lordship’s decision.” Napier also informed Col. Boileau, the officer commanding at Karachi, about the posting of the Aga Khan and his responsibility for guarding the post between Hyderabad and Karachi in Jerruk.

Sir Charles Napier wrote in his diary on February 29, 1843 that, “I have sent the Persian Prince Agha Khan to Jherruk, on the right bank of the Indus. His influence is great and he will with his own followers secure our communication with Karachi. He is the lineal chief of Ismailians, who still exist as a sect and are spread all over the interior of Asia.”

The Jirakia tribe of lower Sindh is reported to have settled in this locality, making it known as Jerruk

Jiraq, Jhirak, Jherruck or Jerruk (25 degree 3′ north latitude and 68 degree 18′ east longitude), a town in the Kotri Taluka, is situated close to the Indus, at an elevation above it of 150 feet, on the range of limestone hills that runs along its right bank south of Kotri. The Jirakia tribe of lower Sindh is reported to have settled in this locality, making it known as Jerruk. The old town of Manchaturi or Manjabari as reported by the Arab historians like Istakhri of the 10th century and Idrisi of the 12th century, appears to have been situated in the neighborhood of Jerruk.

The early history of Jerruk has been but little, if at all, investigated and is involved in the greatest obscurity. There is a ruined site in the neighborhood of Jerruk, which is called by the local people as Kafir Kot and is supposed to have been built by Raja Manjira. This site also contains remains of Buddhist and Hindu structures with a very curious inscription in old Indian character. It suggests that the existence of Jerruk goes back to the time of Raja Manjira. From its situation, commanding the river as well as the roads from Karachi and Thatta, Sir Charles Napier, who made it a Military Depot, considered it a position of some importance. Afterwards it was an outpost garrisoned by a company of sepoys. It was also the headquarters of the Deputy Collector. For many years it had been a Missionary Station. It had a Municipality, but that was abolished in 1878. On a hill to the north of the Kotri road and close to the town is the grave of an Assistant Surgeon Robert Hussey, who died here in 1850, and in another spot lie the remains of the Reverend C. Huntingdon, Chaplain of Hyderabad, who died here on his way to Karachi on May 27, 1856. It was here that W. Cole once Collector of Customs in Karachi, found some Buddhist bricks which were afterwards deposited in the Karachi Museum. It is also learnt that the first Sindhi Primary School in Jerruk was established in 1873. In the Indian Museum, Calcutta, there is a flint scraper reported to have been found by Dr. Fedden of the Geological Survey, on the surface at Jerruk in 1876.

We have good authority for interring that the Ismailis had settled in Jerruk before the period of Sayed Fateh Ali Shamsi (1733-1798), who hailed from the Kadiwala family

Jerruk occupied an irregular space of seven furlongs in circumference, about 150 feet above the river level. It is spread on 5087 acres. It is on an abrupt rocky tableland, having two hills close to the town, which covered the approaches by land and by water. The historic town of Jerruk is located between Hyderabad and Thatta in Sind, where wheat, rice, sugar-cane, cotton, vegetables and some fruits are grown in abundance. Supplies were abundant, much cheaper than at Karachi. There were in the market 200 shops and the street, which contained them, was covered over with matting from side to side. Jerruk is at an altitude of about 500 feet and a very fine picturesque place. It has a healthy climate and was used as a healing station in Sind for many years. It will be interesting to know that a big hanging lamp was installed on the main gate of the fort of Hyderabad, whose light was clearly visible in Jerruk at night. At Jerruk on both sides of the river, we have perhaps the thickest riverine forest in Pakistan. The zoological genera of Jerruk are but little known. It is however a habitat for gazelle, wild boar, wild cat, hare, crocodile, etc. The Aga Khan liked its pleasant climate and the hunting ground. Captain T. Postans had completed his “Personal Observations on Sind” (Karachi, 1973, p. 27) on April, 1843 and wrote that, “Jerruk, situated above Tatta, on the same bank of the river, is a neat town, and its effect from the river is remarkably pleasing, in consequence of the abundance of foliage around it, in the form of shikargahs: it also occupies a commanding site on a ledge of rocky hills overlooking the streams.”

Neighboring tribes of Jokia, Numeri and Kalmati who had joined Sher Muhammad Khan, threatened the Aga Khan and his followers with death, on account of their having joined the British

We have good authority for interring that the Ismailis had settled in Jerruk before the period of Sayed Fateh Ali Shamsi (1733-1798), who hailed from the Kadiwala family. He was a famous vakil and with his indescribable efforts, a large proselytism had been resulted in lower Sind by leaps and bounds. He died in 1798 and his shrine exists near Jerruk. In 1829, Bibi Sarcar Mata Salamat (1744-1832), the mother of Imam Hasan Ali Shah, the Aga Khan I had visited India with Mir Abul Kassim (d. 1880). She made a brief stay in Jerruk before going to Bombay. Jerruk was also famous for the Akhund families of Kutchh. In those days, most of them were learned and transcribed the ginans (religious hymns) by hands. They usually visited the villages in district Thatta and Shah Bandar and sold the copies as a mean of livelihood.

The Aga Khan rode out of Hyderabad and reached Jerruk after a travel of 20 miles on March 1, 1843, where about 1000 Ismailis had thronged from Sindh, Kutchh, Kathiawar, Gujrat and Muscat to behold their Imam. The Ismailis were warmly hosted and repasted daily by Vesso, Vali and Datoo, the sons of Seth Merali of Jerruk.

When Sher Muhammad Khan advanced with his army on Hyderabad, the Aga Khan wrote letter to all the Baluchis, inviting them to become subject of the British government. He also addressed to Sher Muhammad Khan not to risk an action

Soon after his arrival, the Aga Khan and his horsemen whose number had risen to two hundred took up their post near Jerruk and helped to safe guard the post from Karachi and also to make speedy delivery of letters and supplies for the British forces in Hyderabad. The mail between Karachi and Hyderabad was very irregular before the Aga Khan took over the charge. It seems that he spread his soldiers around Jerruk and Thatta to monitor over the situation. While guarding the road between Karachi and Hyderabad, the Aga Khan also recovered the British property which had been plundered from the camp of Thatta by the Baluchis. When Sher Muhammad Khan advanced with his army on Hyderabad, the Aga Khan wrote letter to all the Baluchis, inviting them to become subject of the British government. He also addressed to Sher Muhammad Khan not to risk an action through a letter. The Hindu clerk, Kundahri carrying the letter and two other servants, accompanying him, were killed by Sher Muhammad.

The neighboring bigoted tribes of Jokia, Numeri and Kalmati who had joined Sher Muhammad Khan, threatened the Aga Khan and his followers with death, on account of their having joined the British. The local tradition has it that the first group of the prisoners were taken on February 26, 1843 soon after the battle of Miani on February 17, 1843 and were sent to Calcutta. They were taken away from the fort of Hyderabad to the river and thence by a steamer, Nimrod, stirring from Hyderabad to Karachi and thence to Calcutta. When the steamer passed near Jerruk, it is attested in the tradition that a crowd of the people climbed on the hill to see the steamer carrying the prisoners. It is said that some Ismailis on the hill hailed and saluted the British soldiers, and condemned with hooting the action of the Mirs. This aroused hostility between the supporters of the Mirs and the Ismailis in Jerruk, resulting an attack upon the Ismailis. According to another tradition, the people belonging to the tribes of Numeri and Mallick, who hetched an animosity against the growing influence and affluence of Vesso or Vessar and Vali, the sons of Merali, joined hands with the enemies of the Ismailis, and it was more likely a bone of contention of the incident of Jerruk. (Continues)

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Courtesy: Ismaili Net

Click here to read Part-I

The post Jherruk and the Ismailis during the British rule (Part-II) first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Young at age, Big with deeds

Hemu Kalani is a name spoken about with great respect by every Sindhi anywhere in the world. Christened amongst the great sons of Sindh, his contribution to Indian Independence is invaluable. The day of 21 January 1943 has been written in the annals of our freedom struggle history in golden words. A young boy of nineteen attained martyrdom with his head held high. This little lad spelled terror in the British reigns with his passionate involvement in the Indian freedom struggle.

In the last few years of the Indian Freedom struggle, he rose to become an epitome and was a role model for men twice his age. Hemu Kalani, whom the Sindhis out of fondness and respect address as the Bhagat Singh of Sindh was a mere school boy when he was sent to the gallows by an insensitive and cruel Martial Law administrator. A true martyr, a hero who raised the hopes of an entire nation with his single act of valour – that in a single line was the great Hemu Kalani.

There was only one park in Sukkur Sindh after His name “Hemu Kalani Park”, renamed as “Qasim Park”

Belonging to a middle class family residing at Sukkur, Hemu was born to the Kalani family on the 23rd of March 1923 at Old Sukkur. The eldest son of Shri Pessumal Kalani and Smt. Jethibai Kalani, Hemu acquired his primary education at old Sukkur and higher education at the famous Tilak High School of Sukkur. His father was a physician and a true son of the soil himself, but it was his uncle, the late Dr. Mangharam Kalani, a prominent congress leader and a veteran freedom fighter whose activities left a huge impression on the little lad.

It was the time of National Uprising when Gandhiji declared the Quit India Movement in the year 1942. Inspired by his uncle, Hemu Kalani who was highly influenced by the movement joined the Swaraj Sena, a revolutionary organization and became its leading member. This outfit in one of its secret meetings created a ‘Revolutionary Command’ to undertake some drastic revolutionary deeds for removing the shackles of slavery on Mother India. Seldom would people of his age even think of doing something for the nation, but here was a student on the verge of appearing for his matriculation exam, fanatic to the cause of driving the British away from Indian soil.

On the second day of October in 1942, the revolutionary group Swaraj Sena received secret information that a train carrying military personnel and hardware was to proceed between Quetta and Rohri to quell the political uprising in North-West Frontier province where ‘Khudai Khidmatgars’ under the leadership of Frontier Gandhi had created virtual hell for the British Empire. Fanatic to the cause of Indian Independence, Hemu Kalani resolved to not let the ammunition reach its destination and decided to derail the train. He called an urgent meeting of his Revolutionary Group where it was decided that he along with two companions would remove the fishplates and thereby derail this train near Sukkur. Unfortunately for the trio, the noise created by their operation didn’t miss the ears of the guards stationed in the area. On hearing the heavy footsteps of the guards, his two accomplices fled, but the bold boy allowed himself to fall into the arms of the armed men.

Hemu Kalani, was given the option of relaxing his sentence for a simple written apology, but he remained steadfast and unapologetic.

Hemu underwent third degree torture from the British to reveal the names of his accomplices and the organization to which he belonged, but he never divulged and bravely bore the brunt of the assault. He took the entire blame upon himself and stated to the authorities that if they believed their acts of soiling the freedom struggle with arms and ammunitions was correct then his intended act of derailing the train was also justified.

At that time Sindh was under Martial Law and his case was referred to a Martial Law Court at Hyderabad / Sukkur, where the authorities tried little Hemu for treason against the British Empire and sentenced him to life imprisonment. But as the authorities realized the immense popularity that this brave boy had acquired across the region and fearing that this little boy’s act of bravery would have a huge influence on the minds of the Indians, they decided to set an apt example to extinguish the expected flurry of patriotic emotions and enhance the verdict from Life Imprisonment to Death Sentence. Tekchand Kalani, brother of Hemu Kalani recalls, “My father went to all the leading British men and begged for clemency. He even volunteered to be hanged himself in exchange for the life of his young son.” An appeal for mercy was referred to the Martial Law Administrator Colonel Richardson by some of the most influential men of Sindh. Thousands of signed petitions were sent to the Viceroy to retrace the enhanced death sentence. Unfortunately, all appeals fell to the deaf ears of the Martial Law Administrator and were mercilessly turned down.

Hemu Kalani, was given the option of relaxing his sentence for a simple written apology, but he remained steadfast and unapologetic.

While his parents and admirers ran from pillar to post, trying desperately to have his sentence altered, Hemu himself was a picture of calm and composure, unflustered by the prospect of losing his life, joyfully waiting for the D-Day, when his name would be inscribed in the golden pages of history. He breathed his last with a smile on his face and the slogans ‘Inquilab Zindabad’ and ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai’ on his lips. It is widely believed that when the authorities asked Hemu for his customary last wish, this passionate patriot, before having the noosed tied around his neck, wished that everyone around him, including the British authorities raise national slogans. A true martyr, indeed! On 21 January 1943, his mortal remains were consigned to flames on the banks of the Indus with all due honor, and the day is celebrated as Sindhi Youth day and Martyrdom day by the Sindhis every year to keep his memory alive and to inspire the youth of today.

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Courtesy: Sindhi Shaan (Published: Sep. – Nov. issue of 2001) and Wikipedia

The post Remembering Hemu Kalani- The Bhagat Singh of Sindh first appeared on Sindh Courier.

By Yadwinder Singh

In history of Punjab after emergence of British rule there had been three major partitions – In 1901 (formation of NWFP), in 1947 (division into east and west Punjab to join India and Pakistan respectively after independence) and in 1964 (division into Haryana and Himanchal Pradesh Union Territory region).

All partitions will be examined under three key areas: Events leading to partition; process of partition; aftermath; formation of British Punjab. According to Administrative Report 1849-51, the British Punjab was formed with following:- The Punjab Proper and Trans-Sutlej Territories Cis-Sutlej Territories.  According to Administrative Report of 1868-69, the British Punjab was “bounded on the north and north-east by the Himalayas, on the east by river Yamuna, on the south by the district of Mathura in the North Western Provinces, the states of Rajputana and the river Sutlej and on the west by Suleiman Hill and Afghanistan.” In 1958 Delhi was made part of Punjab.

Formation of NWFP 1901 – events leading to partition: The Afridi tribe had received subsidy from British India for safeguarding the Khyber Pass for sixteen years. Suddenly, however the tribesmen rose and captured all the posts in the Khyber Pass held by their own countrymen. Battle of Saragarhi occurred at this stage while another outbreak by Mohmands (Pashtuns) in the hill country west of Peshawar. The main reason was said to be demarcation of Durand line as it divided tribes into and British India. Mullahs were also considered responsible for this uprising as they preached against British annexing their country. Aamir of Afghanistan was also said to be involved in arousing military sprit among local tribal.  Two expeditions were sent by British army to settle the conflict: 1. Tirah Campaign (1897-98) 2. Mohmand Campaign (1897-98). Both expeditions were successful and conflicts were very much resolved.

Process of Partition: In 1898 Lord Curzon became viceroy of India. His response to conflict between border area and the British was to change government structure of that area. Pashto speaking districts were separated from the Punjab province. New province was carved out of Punjab consisting districts- Hazare, Peshawar, Kohat and Trans-Indus Portion of Bannu and Dera Ismail Khan. The newly created province was called North Western Frontier Province. It is also said that NWFP was created as a buffer zone to protect India from attack of Russian empire.

Aftermath: New province was to be managed directly from Calcutta. Lord Curzon placed them in the charge of Chief Commissioner responsible to Government of India. On 1st December 1931 NWFP was given the status of governor’s province and its chief commissioner. A legislative council was also set up with 40 members among which 22 were to be Muslims. In 1911 Delhi was separated from Punjab and made India’s capital.

Partition of 1947: The partition of Punjab was directly linked to the partition of India. It was the inevitable result of the developments that made their headway during the last hundred years. The Punjab before partition in 1947 comprised 29 districts each tehsil having 1000 to 2000 villages with 3 or 4 tehsils in the district. For administration tehsils were grouped into five divisions: 1. Ambala division- Gurgaon, Rohtak, Hisar, Ambala, Karnal. 2. The Jullundur division- Kangra, Jullundur, Ludhiana, Hoshiarpur, Firozpur. 3. The Lahore division- Amritsar, Sialkot, Lahore, Gurdaspura, Shekhupura, Gujranwala. 4. The Multan division- Lyallpur, Multan, Montgomery, Jhang, Dera Gazi Khan, Muzaffarabad. 5. The Rawalpindi division- Gujrat, Jhelum, Rawalpindi, Attok, Shahpur, Mianwali.

Events leading to partition: History of Indian Muslims under British rule: Muslim population was scattered throughout subcontinent. There were some main clusters of Muslim majority in north-east and north-west. There was ethnic division between Indian Muslim: 1. The Ashraf (direct descendants of the invaders, elites, landlords, Urdu language and minority) and 2. The Ajlaf (Coverts, majority, local language, peasants and labors) The Indian census started in 1881 formed the basis for the stereotypes of rigid religiously defined communities. Muslim elites in UP were afraid of Hindu domination. Hindi-Urdu controversy, anti-cow killing riots in 1893. In 1906 All India Muslim League was created at Decca in All-India Muhammadan Educational Conference. Its membership was just limited to just 400 out of which 70 were from up.

Its principle aim was to voice Muslim views during discussions concerning constitutional reforms from 1907 onwards. League’s demanded for separate electorates and reservation of seats within imperial legislative council. Both were accepted in: Indian Councils Act (1909) (Minto-Morley reforms). Separate electorates were designed to increase Muslim representation in the system of elected local government which was introduced from Indian Council Act 1861. Some writers say it was part of colonial divide and rule policy and was first step in the process of partition. Communal representation 1909 strengthened the belief that people following certain religions, naturally shared common interest from which other were excluded. The principle of communal representation was pushed further in the Government of India Act, 1919. Montague-Chelmsford Reforms: This award accorded separate electorates for Muslims, Europeans, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo Indians, and even Marathas in there minority provinces.

Pre-partition decade: Chaudhary Rehmat Ali had in 1933 coined the term “Pakistan” “the land of pure” which would consist of Punjab, Afghan (NWFP), Kashmir, Sindh and Baluchistan. The pamphlet in which appeared “Now or Never” was largely ignored at that time. In August 1933, Muslim delegation to the parliament committee of India dismissed Pakistan as “chimerical and impracticable”. Two major developments transformed the demand into practical politics: 1. the experience of congress rule in Muslim minority area following the introduction of provincial autonomy in 1935. 2. The second was the impact of Second World War. The Government of India Act (1935) introduced a substantial measure of representative government through provincial autonomy. ‘Law and Order’ subjects which were previously been kept under British control in the system known as ‘Dyarchy’ were now handed over to elected Indian representatives. In elections of 1937 Muslim league achieved its best result in the Muslim minority areas where it portrayed itself as guardian of Muslim interests in up 29 out of 64 Muslim seats. In Punjab, Unionist Party formed the government while the Congress formed the government in 7 out of 11 provinces. Congress appeal to Muslim voters was very limited they contested only on 58 Muslim reserved seats out of 482 and won only26. Cow Protection Act and use of Hindi showed image of future congress. Muslim league leaders had created a fear of Hindu domination among Muslim populace. In October 1939 congress resigned as viceroy Linlithgow had declared war on behalf of India against Germany. On 22 Dec 1939 Muslim league celebrated deliverance day (celebrated as end of ‘unjust’ congress rule). March 1940 in Lahore Jinnah gave two-nation theory for separate Muslim homeland. At time it was called Lahore resolution as Jinnah didn’t mention the name Pakistan in his speech but it was popularized as Pakistan resolution. Jinnah demanded Muslim majority areas in north-east and north-west to be carved out as separate nation for Muslims. Muslim League operated with state patronage, while congress devoted its energies to struggle against British rule. As Congress leaders were busy in or in jail due to participation in Non-Cooperation Movement (1939-42) or Quit India Movement (1942), Muslim league was free to popularize Pakistan demand.

On 18 Oct. 1939 Viceroy in his speech referred Congress as Hindu party while Muslim league as representing all Muslims of country. August offer (1940) made it clear that British would not transfer power to any system of government whose authority was ‘denied by large and powerful element in India’s national life’. • March 1942 Sir Stafford Cripps was sent to India to secure Indian support for war and offer future constitutional reforms. • Cripps Mission was also sent to demonstrate good faith to America who were now their war allies and anti-colonist. • 1945 Shimla Conference was called by Lord Wavell with intent to break the ice between congress and Muslim league. • Jinnah demanded that all Muslim members of Indian Executive Council should belong to Muslim league. • 1946 elections Muslim league gave blow to the Unionist by winning 75 out of 86 Muslim seats. • In center league won 439 out of 494 Muslim seats, leagues claim for representing all Muslims was vindicated. • NWFP was only province where Congress won more Muslim seats with their collation party Khudai Khidmatgars. • Yet in the June referendum population of province voted for the inclusion in Pakistan.

Punjab Events: Separate representation for Muslims • In Punjab Muslims were in a majority (55%). • It was the only province where majority community had been granted separate representation. • Separate representation was justified due to their narrow majority and their economic backwardness. • Hindus and Sikhs dominate the fields of industry commerce trade and banking. • Non-Muslims dominated in the activities of agriculture and money lending.  Muslim domination opposed • The Sikhs and Hindus opposed the representation and reservation of seats. • Hindus argued that there should be no reservation of majority community.

Proposals for the partition of Punjab • In order to solve communal tangle in Punjab, Sir Geoffrey Corbett suggested the separation of Ambala division from the Punjab. • He argued “historically, Ambala division is part of Hindustan and its inclusion in the province of the Punjab was an accident of British rule. Its language is Hindustani, and its people are skin to adjoining Meerath and Agra divisions” • This would have increased Muslim majority to 63% in the state. • In order to counteract sir Geoffrey’s scheme Sikh delegation suggested a territorial rearrangement which would take from Punjab the Rawalpindi and the Multan division(excluding Montgomery an Lyallpur districts). • This division would have raised Hindu and Sikh to majority in the remaining state. • Lahore resolution of Muslim league demanded creation of Muslim state to consist of “geographically contiguous units, demarcated into regions with such a territorial readjustment a may be necessary” • “territorial readjustment” involved obviously splitting up of Punjab. • The whole Punjab could not apparently be include in Pakistan as it areas with Hindu majority.

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Courtesy: Slide Share

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By Neha Banka | Kolkata

In the 1930s, revolutionary groups sprang up across the country, particularly in undivided Bengal, including those led by women. Dacca (now Dhaka), Comilla, Chittagong, and Calcutta were the seats of activity for these women-led groups and they were particularly associated with colleges. Young students were recruited by classmates and alumni, drawn by the cause of the freedom of the nation from British rule. Student associations in educational institutions served as semi-revolutionary groups and collectively trained women in weapons, combat and associated activities. They also served as secure spaces where women could gather to openly discuss issues related to women’s rights, liberation and freedom from British rule.

The history of women’s movements in the Indian subcontinent has an interesting trajectory and scholars have differing views on precisely when they started. There is some consensus, however, among scholars of the subject that the origins of these movements can be traced to the early 19th century where the focus was on social reform and the liberation of women from socio-cultural bondages in the subcontinent. Hence, although collectively women’s movements in India are close to two centuries old, they have consistently changed and altered in form, structure and agendas over the years, to address developing challenges and requirements.

Western liberal values that impacted male social reformers in the Indian subcontinent during the 19th century, percolated to the women living in their social peripheries. Social movements during the British occupation of the subcontinent that led to the outlawing of sati, widow burning, female infanticide, segregation of women, etc. paved the way for some of the earliest social reforms that occurred in the interest of women—for instance, widow-remarriages.

These reforms in turn inspired women to participate in conversations, especially about socio-economic and socio-cultural issues that impacted their everyday lives, with men who had till then, been at the forefront, spearheading these changes. By the late 19th century, women’s participation in the freedom movement began in earnest with their involvement in the Indian National Congress.

The history of women’s movements in India, especially during the freedom struggle is unique in many ways because it served two purposes. One was to contribute to the cause of freedom from British rule, while the other was to impress upon their countrymen and upon the foreign government the urgent need for social, economic, legal and political reform to improve the lives of women in the subcontinent.

While discourse surrounding the freedom struggle has not entirely discounted the role of women, it has certainly not given enough recognition to the women in proportion to their integral roles in the war against the British. The women were not merely passive workers following in the footsteps of celebrated men; they were active revolutionaries, taking up arms, launching underground organizations, publishing anti-British literature, being subjected for years to torture and imprisonment. Many revolutionaries like Pritilata Waddedar and Matangani Hazra were wounded in battle and chose to end their lives for the cause of freedom than be captured by the British. Others like Bina Das and Labanya Prabha Ghosh fought for their nation, only to die in abject poverty, largely forgotten by the very homeland and the people they had liberated from centuries of occupation and oppression.

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Courtesy: Indian Express

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