As the 41 Hurs of Visapur Concentration camp didn’t take part in strike, the British authorities began considering their repatriation to Sindh. The Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay Presidency in his letter dated August 26, 1922 had suggested repatriation of all the 41 Hurs (40 Hurs, as one of them – a Muccadum was hammered to death), however, as per policy and rules, the Bombay government sought the opinion of Sindh officials and again the Commissioner of Sindh sent a letter dated September 15, 1922 to Deputy Inspector General of Police, Sindh and also circulated it among the District Magistrates for soliciting their opinion. The D. I. G. Police, Sindh D. G. Ommanney vide a letter dated September 16, 1922 responded positively agreeing to the proposal of repatriating 41 non-striking Hurs from Visapur. He viewed that it can be considered locally where they should be placed. “It might be a good thing if at any rate some of them were not sent to a settlement but allowed to return to their villages and ordered to report to their police station once a week and to report any change of residence. He said the government might order that these 41 men should be sent back to their own districts, and in the meantime the District Magistrates and District Superintendents of Police concerned can be consulted as to their fate. DIG Police however apprehended that Settlement Officer will not agree to take any of the Hurs into his ordinary settlements. He suggested allowing 20 percent of the Hurs to return to Sindh and advocated continuing the system of deporting the Hurs out of Sindh. He described giving up this system as a ‘great mistake’.

Despite recommending repatriation of 41 Hurs from Visapur by the IG Prisons, Bombay Presidency and no objection by DIG Police Sindh, no decision could be made by the authorities for over a year, as the district authorities of Sindh were reluctant to receive Hurs in such a large number.

Lt. Col. R. M. Dalziel vide a letter dated October 28, 1922 submitted a list of ten Hurs to the Commissioner of Sindh requesting for issuing orders as to where these Hurs and their families should be sent. The ten Hurs included Alu son of Pariyo Mochi, Balu son of Piru Bhanojo, Alam (Alim) son of Bahram Shar, Suleman son of Ibrahim Khaskheli, Yaru Shah son of Laikdino Shah, Lukman son of Ismail Shar, Lallu son of Rakhio Sinhro, Dadlo son of Jurial (Jurio) Nizamani, Jiando son of Sajan Wasan and Jundo (Jhuro) son of Mangio Khaskheli. These names were circulated among District Magistrates and the response from Thar & Parkar was that Lukman and Jundo had already been repatriated to Sindh as a reward for abstaining from strike. The District Magistrate objected return of rest of Hurs except three namely Balu, Lalu and Dadlo.

The District Superintendent of Police, Nawabshah however in a letter through District Magistrate stated that eight Hurs Alu, Alim (Alam), Suleman, Yaru Shah, Lukman, Dadlo, Jiando and Jhuro had been deported to Visapur on December 12, 1915 and during the period of over six years they maintained a good record. They bear good character at present as will be seen from the roll forwarded by Settlement Officer Visapur. He did not object to return of these Hurs to Sindh informing that Lukman and Jhuro had already arrived at Mirpur Khas. He however suggested eight other names of Hurs from Jalalani camp for deporting to Visapur in exchange that included Kamal son of Makhan Hajam, who was transferred from Sanghar camp in 1914.

A month earlier on September 28, 1922 the Settlement Officer of Visapur had sent the list of ten Hurs with their age, villages and family members. Four of the Hurs were married and were there since December 14, 1915. Seven names were same while three others – Mohammad son of Gamu Mahar, Arab son of Fakiro Kori and Atal son of Samano Bihan. No action was taken on this list.

On February 07, 1923, Dalziel wrote to Commissioner Sindh forwarding a list of Hurs and informed that eight names were there in the list however he added the name of Mohammad son of Gamu who bears good character and had influence at Visapur over the inmates. “Mohammad Gamu is a man who has had his lesson and has seen that it does not pay to kick against the pricks, and that if sent to Sindh, his influence would be good and will advise others not to commit any act which would result in deportation to Visapur.”

The list he forwarded also included the name of Wariyam Khaskheli son of Bachu Badshah among Kamil son of Mataro Bihan, Mubarak son of Badal Mahar, Nabi Shah son of Shah Mardan Shah, Lakhmir son of Bahram Shar, Haroon son of Bahram Shar, Dadlo son of Sajan Nizamani, Durani son of Sumar.

The correspondence between the officials of Sindh and Bombay continued even in late 1923, when a shortlisted names of 19 Hurs were sent to Commissioner of Sindh by Visapur Settlement Officer through a telegram dated September 21, 1923.

The 19 Hurs, who according to telegram remained loyal during the strike, were: Alu son of Pariyo, Alam son of Bahram, Arab son of Fakiro, Suleman son of Ibrahim, Yaru Shah son of Laikdin Shah, Abdul Wahid son of Gul Mohammad, Barocho son of Maluk, Dinu son of Ramu, Hashim son of Umar, Imam son of Sawan, Khair Shah son of Jiwan Shah, Kasam (Karam) son of Imam Bux, Manthar son of Kadu, Mangan son of Tamachi, Mohammad Esuf (it could be Yusif) son of Abdullah, Mangal Shah son of Bhopo Shah, Sanghar son of Mehro, Wahud (Wahid) son of Lall and Yakub son of Walidad.

This list was also circulated among District Magistrates and Superintendents of Police for seeking their opinion and objections soon as it was received. In response to it, Mahmud Shah, the District Superintendent of Police, Mirpur Khas, through a letter dated September 25, 1923 raised serious objection stating that all the Hurs mentioned in telegram had a very dark record in the Hur Settlement at Sanghar and were picked ‘criminals’ with exception of Mohammad Usif who was only a boy at the time of his deportation. Surprisingly, the police official contradicted his own words about Usif saying that ‘Usif was deported because he was the local head of a most dangerous section of the Hurs and that section had to be disorganized. The police official submitted names of 11 Hurs for release describing them as ‘less dangerous’ than others. They were Arbab, Suleman, Abdul Wahid, Dinu, Hashim, Imam, Khair Shah, Karam, Mangal Shah, Wahid and Yakub. He opined that it would be most unsafe to release the other eight Hurs just at present.

After receiving such comments, the Sindh Commissioner office recommended repatriation of only 11 Hurs from Visapur and as a result, C. H. Brierley, Superintendent and Settlement Officer, Visapur informed the Home Secretary, Bombay Presidency that vide a letter dated October 09, 1923 that 11 Hurs along with wife of Arab, a wife, son and a daughter of Khair Shah and wife and a son of Kasam (Karam) were transferred to Sanghar Settlement of Thar & Parkar district under police escort.

In 1924, the Sindh Commissioner Office had sought report/comments about 37 Hurs of Tharparkar district that were lodged at Visapur Camp. The District Superintendent of Police Mahmud Shah submitted report with comments on each Hur and sent through District Magistrate. He had classified the Hurs according to which 18 were dangerous whose repatriation was suggested to be delayed; 10 were of middle class and only nine were ‘not dangerous’ whose repatriation could be undertaken. The names appearing in the report were almost same discussed in this chapter.  

The approval for release of some eight Hurs from Nira Projects Settlement was also given by the Bombay Presidency in 1925. In a letter dated January 14, 1925, J. A. Shillidy, Deputy Secretary to the Government of Bombay Home Department, informed the Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer, Dharwar that with reference to his letter dated December 17, 1924, the approval has been given for the release of eight Hurs from Nira Settlement on probation. Four other Hurs namely Shah Ali son of Rahim Khan, Obhayo son of Allah Bux, Allu son of Pariyo and Maji son of Landu were also allowed to return vide a letter dated April 01, 1925 issued from Sindh Commissioner office.

On March 30, 1926, Mr. J. B. Irwin, the Assistant Commissioner of Sindh, Karachi informed Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer, Dharwar that in his letter dated January 17, 1926, the Commissioner has approved return of released Hur Obhayo son of Dosu Mochi to his village on the condition that he will report himself twice a year to the Mukhtiarkar, Shahdadpur, who is probation officer. In a letter to Assistant Commissioner, the District Magistrate Nawabshah informed that out of five Hurs released on probation, one Obhayo son of Dosu Mochi belongs to his district and his residence is at village Nichayo Bhanujo, Taluka Shahdadpur, and he need not to be placed in a Settlement and be allowed to remain in his own village. He also showed no objection to release of Ak son of Madad Ali and Bachal son of Ghalu but endorsed the views of District Superintendent of Police who raised serious object to release of Bachu Shah son of Jivan Shah saying that his physical weakness is not likely to debar him from tutoring other Hurs and teaching them modus-operandi of ‘Hur Crimes’.

The Judicial Department of Sindh Commissioner Office, Karachi vide a letter dated June 09, 1927 conveyed the Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer, Bombay Presidency the approval of release of 16 Hurs whose names he had submitted vide a letter dated December 15, 1926. The names are Mir Khan son of Madad Ali Khan, Alam son of Jani, Hamal son of Alam, Laloo son of Sobjo, Sathi son of Sabu, Sathi son of Pandhi, Tanwar son of Hafiz, Punhu son of Khamiso and Sartaj son of Abdullah, all of Nawabshah district, and Allahnu son of Shadi, Fakiro son of Khanu, Manthar son of Kadu, Mitha son of Jado, Mohammad Ali son of Dosan, Imamu son of Mohammad Khan and Jani Shah son of Wadal Shah, all of Tharparkar district. It was stated that the latter two Hurs are to be released after some time while the name of one more Hur will be communicated on receipt of reply from District Magistrate.

In some of the correspondence, the officials also discussed the Hurs who had escaped from Settlements at different times. Mr. J. B. Irwin, the then District Magistrate of Tharparkar in a letter sent to Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer, Bombay Presidency in June 1929 that two Hurs Gagan and Badal were deported to Visapur in the year 1913 from Sanghar and Khipro Talukas respectively. They escaped from the settlement in 1922 and were arrested in 1927. They were then deported again to Shivrajpur.

Probably, the above two Hurs are among those five Hurs of Visapur who escaped in 1922 from the weekly bazaar, and were arrested in Sindh. The escaped Hurs had created panic among Sindh administration after reaching here, while raised the morale of Hurs, which is evident from this report of District Magistrate of Tharparkar submitted in 1923: “None of the repatriated Hurs has so far been found directly responsible for any serious crime but there are clear indications that the Hurs have begun to feel that their community is getting stronger and that they are no longer without leaders.”

“Suleman Wasan and four other ‘notorious’ Hurs who escaped from Visapur last year have been freely moving about among the members of their fraternity in Sinjhoro and Sakrand Talukas of Nawabshah district and in Sanghar Taluka of Tharparkar district. The efforts of police to capture them have been baffled by the attitude of the Hurs who have been fearlessly sheltering the absconding Hurs inspite of repeated warnings from the police,” the report says adding that several Zamindars (loyal to British government) have become nervous and eight of them have applied for protection.

A letter from District Magistrate, Mirpur Khas dated April 17, 1924 reveals that Suleman Wasan and Mitho Hingoro were arrested and deported again.

 Hurs deported to Kala Pani (Andaman Islands)

Several Hurs were expelled from Sindh after their arrest and shipped to Andaman Islands where they had been languishing for years or for whole of life. However, their exact number couldn’t be ascertained. It is said that at least 733 prisoners were shipped to Andaman Islands from Karachi in 1868 and it might be that the Hurs also were among them. Thousands of other prisoners were sent there from Calcutta and Bombay. According to Fakir Mir Muhammad Nizamani, one Muhammad Khan Rind of Shahpur Chakar, district Sanghar, had been sentenced to be shipped to Kala Pani (Andaman Islands) for committing a number of dacoities. He was not the Hur but Darya Khan Nizamani, Wasand Qazaq and Rano Wasan, three Hur militants were confined there with him. Muhammad Khan Rind had somehow escaped from the Islands covered with thick forests. The three Hurs too had escaped later and returned to Sindh. Another three Hurs Owais Fakir Wasan and his two companions were also shipped to Andaman Islands in 1895 and nobody knows whether they retuned or not.

During the 1940s, the Lambrick had floated the idea of shipping the Hurs to Andaman, as according to him (his correspondence between December 1944 to 1946 File No: MSS/Eur 208/88) he wished Hurs to be thrown to Andaman Islands like the Russians did to the people of occupied countries by sending them to Siberia and the England used to deport its criminals to Australia.

On 12th April 1945, an Indian high ranking official Colville informed Governor Dow that he agrees his proposal for deporting Hurs to Andaman Islands however the Home Department of Bombay has to decide the matter.

(Concludes)

Click here for Part-I, Part-II, Part-III, Part-IV, Part-V, Part-VI

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Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’ authored by Nasir Aijaz (Published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015)

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part- VII first appeared on Sindh Courier.

After the escape of five Hurs of Visapur Concentration Camp, the unrest had escalated in the meantime, as majority of unmarried Hurs supported by some married Hurs went on strike in June 1922 in protest against tough measures by the authorities. The strike continued for two months. During the strike, the Hurs refused to work. The detailed account of situation, developed due to strike of Hurs, was given in a report to Home Department, Bombay Government by Lt. Col. R. M. Dalziel, Acting Inspector General of Prisons Bombay on August 06, 1922.

There were 96 male Hurs, 30 of whom married, 32 women including 2 unmarried, and 37 children were languishing at Visapur Concentration Camp in 1922

Dalziel, who visited the Visapur camp on August 01 to 04, 1922, writes in his report: “There are 96 male Hurs, 30 of whom are married. Of the 32 women, 30 are wives of Hurs and remaining two are unmarried – one of them being a widow and one a maid servant. The number of children is 37. After the suspension of ‘privileges’ the majority of unmarried Hurs and ten of married Hurs went on strike and refused to work and became unruly and up-to-date have refused to work i.e. for two months. On July 28, 1922, five Hurs were prosecuted for refusing to obey orders and three of them were sentenced to 15 days rigorous imprisonment and two to 30 days rigorous imprisonment on July 29, 1922.”

B. S. Sethna, the Settlement Inspector, was violently assaulted by one of the Hurs, thrown to the ground, and severely bruised in several places.

He stated that B. S. Sethna, the Settlement Inspector, was violently assaulted by one of the Hurs, thrown to the ground, and severely bruised in several places. The assailant is to be prosecuted, he told adding that on July 31, 1922, the situation became serious and the Hurs showed symptoms of becoming entirely out of hand and assumed to say the least of it, a very threatening attitude and appeared to be certainly going to break away and escape. Settlement Officer Mr. Brierley promptly asked the help from Ahmed Nagar police to control the situation, he told.

As regards earning of Muccadums and the inmates of concentration camp, the acting-IG Prisons said that the Muccadums get 9 annas per day as pay and the others, when they work, or on piece work and may earn as much as 34 or as little as Rs.8 per month, according to their zeal. Their work is to dig and load earth. If an unmarried Hur earns more than Rs.15 per month and if a married Hur earns more than Rs.19, any excess over the above amount is not given to them but banked in their names. They are however allowed to withdraw money from their banking account if they desire so. “The strikers have now for two months been living on their savings, and it will therefore be easy to understand that their banking accounts are near the vanishing point. They however refuse to work and demand that government must ration them,” he said.

“These men are not yet in distress and they possess a large flock of goats. It’s possible that there is ‘propaganda’ behind the action of these men and wicked insinuations have already appeared in the press concerning the alleged unhappy plight of these misguided men,” he remarked suggesting that in case the government decides to give them ration, it should be only Rs.3 per month to each of striker and Rs.2 to each dependent of a striker.

Commenting on the demands of striking Hurs, Dalziel said: “They have suddenly discovered that the earthwork is distasteful to them. No credence needs to be given to this. They really object to work of any kind. They also demand that a definite period should be stated, at the end of which they should be released. They say that until the escape of five Hurs, they had hope of release but now they have no hope as the disciplinary action indicates that the heart of government has hardened and that they are made to suffer for the sins of others, and that they will die at the Settlement and never see Sindh again.”

Acting IG Prisons recommended that 55 striking Hurs should be scattered and sent to the various other settlements in Bombay Presidency.

Neglecting the grievances of striking Hurs, the acting IG Prisons reported that he has ordered that even if these strikers now consent to work, they should not be allowed to go out to work until the government has passed the orders on the subject. “If these men consent to go out to work, it is probable that it will only be a first step in an arranged escape,” he apprehended and recommended that 55 striking Hurs should be scattered and sent to the various other settlements in this Presidency, as it is inexpedient to keep these ‘truculent’ men in one camp. “After, but not before, this has been done, I recommend that the 41 men who did not strike, should be transferred to one of the settlements in Sindh, as an indication that government will show consideration to well-behaved men,” he stated.

One of seven Muccadums, who was sentenced to 30 days rigorous imprisonment, has died as the direct result of having been unmercifully hammered in Deccan Extra Mural Prison.

According to him the non-striker 41 Hurs included 26 men who were still working on earthwork. They include two of three Muccadums, who were broken and still meekly going to work. Eight men are those who work on fixed wages inside the camp i.e. two sweepers, two on sick list, one schoolmaster, one sick attendant, one lamp lighter and one infirm man besides seven Muccadums.

“Unfortunately, one of seven Muccadums, who was sentenced to 30 days rigorous imprisonment, has died as the direct result of having been unmercifully hammered in Deccan Extra Mural Prison,” he disclosed in the report informing that for this crime one Sepoy and two convict officers will be prosecuted.

In his adverse remarks, Dalziel said: ”Although these Hurs are not convicted criminals, they are abandoned ruffians whose hands are dripping with blood.”

He also questioned the selection of site of Visapur Settlement, as it’s just at the dam where 1200 convicts had been working. “It is presumed that the Deccan Convict Gang will be removed from Visapur in 1925, so that the Hurs Settlement could not remain there after 1925,” he concluded.

Hur Fakir Muhammad Siddique Bihan son of Karim Bux, resident of village Phhotto Khan Bhnbhro, interviewed in November 1994, told that they shifted from Gurang bungalow locality to Jhol town to cultivate lands but were arrested by the military. They were first taken to Sinjhoro, then Nawabshah and later to Hyderabad. A magistrate Raghumal was posted there to sentence the Hurs. When the Hyderabad jail overcrowded, the Hurs were deported to Visapur, Essapur and other concentration camps of India. It was 1943 when 200 Hurs were deported to Indian territories. Siddique Bihan, Bolu Chang, Khuda Bux Chang and Abdullah Mughrepoto were among a group of 42 Hurs who was first transported to Mirpur Khas and then by train to Ahmedabad, India to lodge them at Visapur concentration camp. For some days, they were kept in chains. “There were several other Hurs languishing since 1918 including Manthar Hingoro, Ali Muhammad Wasan,” he told.

The Hurs were shifted to Sholapur hedged camp when the India faced shortage of grain due to famine. Later, they were shifted to Bejapur camp.

Siddique Bihan and other new comers observed hunger strike for two days at the concentration camp when they were served meals by a Bhangi (sanitation worker). “We told the camp officials that we are prepared to be shot dead but will not eat the food cooked and served by the Bhangi,” he told adding: “We didn’t end hunger strike till the IG Jails came and accepted our demand providing the ration and allowing us to cook on our own.”

The Hurs were shifted to Sholapur hedged camp when the India faced shortage of grain due to famine. Later, they were shifted to Bejapur camp and allowed to work and earn livelihood on their own. “When we completed three-year sentence, 120 Hurs were repatriated to Hyderabad camp where seven to eight thousand Hurs were already lodged,” he told.

(Continues)   

Click here for Part-I, Part-II, Part-III, Part-IV, Part-V

_____________________

Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’ authored by Nasir Aijaz (Published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015)

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part- VI first appeared on Sindh Courier.

 The long detention at Visapur had resulted severe unrest among Hurs, who at last submitted a joint application of 100 persons to the Governor of Bombay through camp officer on July 02, 1922 requesting repatriation to Sindh. They stated: “For the past seven years we have been honestly doing hard work of cutting out rock. All this labor however has not resulted in improving out lot. We poor people are subjects and children of government and not its foes. An injustice such as we a hundred men have suffered from is unparalleled in the history of British rule in India. We have been transported along with our wives and children to a distant place and put on the hard labor of cutting out rock. It is a pity such a state of things has been possible under British rule, which is reputed to be so just and fair as to give equal protection to all. What is worse is that we are undergoing imprisonment for no definite period of time. An ordinary criminal who is sentenced to seven year imprisonment is relieved of his work and made a Mukadam after a year or two. The government is powerful but our lot has not been improved.”

“Another grievance of ours is that it is not possible for us here to marry as required by our religion, from among our own kinsmen because of limited number of men and women here. Again, we have lost our lands and other property in consequence of our deportation to this place,” the Hurs complained.

The Bombay government forwarded the petition to authorities in Sindh and subsequently sought comments through telegrams sent on August 27, 1922 and August 31, 1922. The Sindh Commissioner Office circulated the petition among District Magistrates of Tharparkar and Nawabshah vide letter September 15, 1922, which was responded in November 1922. W. P. Cowie, the then District Magistrate of Nawabshah in his letter dated November 08, 1922, stated that the Hurs on being sent to Visapur had arranged for care of their property by their relatives or others and that no complaints have yet been raised on this point. He however favored Visapur Hurs saying that their release is dependent not so much on their behavior but on the whim of some officer. “Those at Visapur are forced to do most uncongenial labor and are without hope of returning to Sindh,” he stated pointing out fault of the system of dealing with the Hurs. He suggested retaining Visapur camp as ‘threat’ and that sending certain number of Hurs there but more often exchanging them with others.

The District Magistrate of Tharparkar also gave same report about land and other property of Hurs saying that most of the Hurs had no lands and they had sold livestock at the time of deportation. Only three Hurs – Durani Hingoro, Ali Sher Shah Syed, Attal Bihan and Nabi Shah had land. Durani’s land is being looked after by his son, Ali Sher Sha’s land is given on sharing basis, Attal’s land is looked after by his brother while a respectable person Faiz Mohammad Junejo looks after the land of Nabi Shah.

About the issue of marriages, he stated that female Hurs of marriageable age are at present in the Visapur camp. If there are no suitable matches in their small community at Visapur, they must seek for alliance in Sindh. According to him the suggestion regarding increase in the number of repatriated Hurs is adopted, would solve the question of marriage.

C. H. Brierley, Settlement Officer, Visapur Camp, in a report to Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay Presidency, Poona on June 03, 1922 stated: “While on my way to the settlement to distribute doles shortly before 5 O’ clock last evening, I received a message that five Hurs (single men) had escaped from the Pimpalgaon village where they had gone for purchasing food etc. from the weekly bazaar.

On February 12, 1923, the Bombay Government in a memorandum to Sindh Commissioner said that: “Government is of opinion that the policy in regard to the treatment of Hurs in the settlement requires some reconsideration. It is desirable that the Hurs should have something to work for some hope that good behavior will result in remission of their punishment and early return to Sindh. This will involve a more liberal arrangement for sending well-behaved Hurs to Sindh.”

As the delay in consideration of petition was irritating and no decision was taken yet on the joint application of Hurs, an incident took place on June 02, 1922 in which some of the Hurs absconded on the day fixed for Hurs allowing them to visit the bazaar for buying ration.

C. H. Brierley, Settlement Officer, Visapur Camp, in a report to Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay Presidency, Poona on June 03, 1922 stated: “While on my way to the settlement to distribute doles shortly before 5 O’ clock last evening, I received a message that five Hurs (single men) had escaped from the Pimpalgaon village where they had gone for purchasing food etc. from the weekly bazaar. This concession to selected bachelor Hurs was recommended by my predecessor Mr. Hall on December 02, 1919 and sanctioned by Head Office on December 09, 1919. It was practice during my predecessor’s time to send selected married Hurs out un-escorted on a single pass. Although there was apparently nothing against this procedure, I didn’t consider it quite satisfactory, and as safeguard, introduced the system of sending both married and single selected Hurs out on bazaar days in charge of Muccadums – each Muccadum being responsible for five Hurs only, their names being noted on a pass. On this occasion three separate batches (15 Hurs in all) were sent out, as usual, in charge of three Muccadums. Three Hurs appear to have broken away from one of the Muccadums and two from other. A policeman on horse was rushed to the Pimpalgaon to make inquiries. He then proceeded to in the direction of Ghargaon and Belwandi, where it was ascertained from a villager that five Hurs had been making their way. Another horse-rider was dispatched to search the Hurs in entire area up to Belwandi. A policeman was sent to look at 5.30 evening train and to warn railway station authorities while two policemen were sent on foot in the direction of Ghargaon. Urgent telegrams were dispatched to the Railway Sub Inspectors of Police Dhond, Manmad and Poona; and subsequently to the District Superintendents of Police Ahmed Nagar, Nasik, Poona, Khandesh and Tharparkar. The policemen returned at late hour with no further news of the runaways.”

The report further says that three Muccadums sent in charge of the batches had nothing to offer in defence except that in the crowd their parties got broken up, and some time elapsed in searching the village for them. “I think, in place of keeping them together they allowed the Hurs in their respective charges to scatter on pretext of making purchases, and thus played into their hands. There was no connivance shown by any of the Muccadums but undoubtedly slackness,” he writes informing that he had suspended three Muccadums and kept them in Settlement.

On July 17, 1922, the Settlement Officer, Visapur Camp in a letter to Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay Presidency, Poona reported that he has stopped entirely the weekly bazaar leave of bachelor Hurs and none of them is kept open at night. However, it does not apply to married Hurs, who are allowed as usual a few hours leave to go in small parties under escort to the Pimpalgaon village for making purchases. But such leave is granted only on Sunday instead of Friday, which is not the weekly bazaar day. They are kept open at night. He informed that after the escape of five Hurs and suspension of three Muccadums, none of the inmates is willing to take up the vacant appointments.

(Continues)                                                      

Click here for Part-I

Click here for Part-II

Click here for Part III

Click here for Part IV 

___________________________

Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’ authored by Nasir Aijaz (Published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015)

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part- V first appeared on Sindh Courier.

The names of Wariyam son of Bachu Badshah and Jiando Wasan nephew of Piru Vizier appeared several times in the correspondence between the Sindh officials and Bombay Presidency. Bachal Alias Bachu Badshah had named his son after his father Wariyam, a warrior who also sacrificed life while fighting the British. His grandson Wariyam too followed the footprints of ancestors and during the resistance war was deported to India in 1915. Similarly, Jiando Wasan was deported two years earlier in 1913.

In 1923, when the Bombay Presidency desired to repatriate some Hurs to Sindh including Wariyam, R. E. Gibson, the then Commissioner of Sindh referring to a letter dated February 07, 1923 from Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay about repatriation of Hurs from Visapur Settlement, suggested vide a letter dated April 12, 1923 that there is no objection to the repatriation of Hurs to Sindh. He, however, suggested that all the Hurs except Wariyam son of Bachu and Mubarak son of Badal should be sent to Sanghar Settlement while these two should report to District Magistrate Nawabshah.

Wariyam was married and by that time he had a daughter. He and his family were to be repatriated. Among other Hurs Mohammad son of Gamu had a wife, two sons and two daughters, Kamil son of Mataro had a wife and Lakhmir son of Bahram had a wife and a daughter while Haroon son of Bahram, Nabi Shah son of Shah Mardan, Dadlo son of Sajan and Durani son of Sumar were single.

Jiando Wasan son of Sajan, who served as schoolmaster at Visapur camp, had applied for repatriation to Sindh on the grounds that his daughter had become of marriageable age and that he was unable to support his family, which consisted of wife, two sons and two daughters out of the pay of Rs.15/- that he got as schoolmaster and Rs.4/-, which are paid to him as doles.

His application was sent to Sindh officials for comments on which the then District Magistrate Nawabshah J. M. Sladen vide letter dated June 23, 1923 informed the Commissioner of sindh that Jiando had satisfactory character since his admission in the Visapur Settlement. “The District Superintendent of Police Nawabshah has no objection to his repatriation to Sindh. Moreover, in view of the fact that Wariyam son of Bachu Badshah has recently been repatriated to Sindh, there should be no objection to the repatriation of Jiando Wasan who is only a nephew of Piru Vizier, especially since he bears a good character at Visapur and he will not be released outright here but kept in Jalalani Agricultural Settlement,” he stated.

The repatriation of Jiando Wasan was in fact recommended by Settlement Officer, Visapur in 1922, as he was reported to be well behaved, but a letter from District Magistrate Nawabshah sent to Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay through Judicial Department of Commissioner of Sindh’s office on July 19, 1923 shows that District Magistrate Tharparkar had objected Jiando Wasan’s repatriation vide letter dated December 18, 1922. On same date the Commissioner of Sindh vide a letter No: 3140-H communicated to Home Department of Bombay the objection and endorsing it. The Assistant Commissioner in Sindh, on behalf of Commissioner, vide letter No:729-H dated May 26, 1923 again informed the Bombay Presidency that Commissioner of Sindh had not recommended the repatriation of Jiando Wasan to Sindh as the District Magistrate Tharparkar was opposed to it even in October 1922.

(Continues)

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Click here for Part III

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Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’ authored by Nasir Aijaz (Published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015)

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part IV first appeared on Sindh Courier.

The British colonial authorities had established at least thirteen concentration camps for deported Hurs in Indian States. These camps were as follows:

1) Chharanagar, a historical place near Ahmedabad, Gujarat. The people residing here are called as Bhantu. They were the freedom fighters and the British had bonded them in a jail, which still exist near this town. They were brave and fought against the colonial forces. The British authorities had branded them as criminals like the Hurs and scattered them to different provinces of India.

2) Dohad, which means two boundaries. It is located near Godhra, Baroda on the banks of river Dudhimati, and is a town in Dohad district within the State of Gujarat. Currently the city serves as District Headquarters for Dahod District. It is approximately 200 km away from Ahmedabad. It is known as Dohad as the States of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh border the town. It is the birthplace of the last great Mughal emperor Aurangzeb.

3) Ambernath near Kalyan, Bombay that lies on Bombay to Pune railway route in Maharashtra State.

4) Dhule in Khandesh region of Maharashtra.

5) Mahad, Pandalpur/Pandharpur, Maharashtra.

6) Bijapur, Karnatka State. It’s a city 384km West of Hyderabad Deccan.

7) Solapur, Maharashtra. It lies on the border of Maharashtra and Karnatka.

8) Akole, Ahmed Nagar.

9) Visapur, Maharashtra

10) Essapur, Saharanpur district, Uttar Pradesh.

11) Shivrajpur, near Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh.

12) Dharwar, Karnatka State.

13) Nira Projects Settlement, a town of Maharashtra 80 km from Pune.

The old Commissioner Office record, now in possession of Sindh Archives Department, included a large number of files regarding Hur Movement, of which 350 were taken away by the federal government in 1970s to study and devise strategies for crushing the uprising in Balochistan. Unfortunately, these files never returned and are said to be in custody of National Documentation Center, Cabinet Division Islamabad. Currently only three files are found at Sindh Archives that pertain to the Hurs deported to concentration camps of Indian states.

Many of the Hurs were detained there since 1915 and even before it. One Jiando Wasan, the nephew of Piru Vizier, was deported in 1913.

The files contain correspondence between the Sindh and Bombay government officials. The record shows that the Hurs were detained at these camps since their deportation in early 20th century. The references in these official letters show that many of the Hurs were detained there since 1915 and even before it. One Jiando Wasan, the nephew of Piru Vizier, was deported in 1913. All the years the Sindh authorities and the Settlement Officers of Bombay Presidency exchanged letters discussing the conditional release of Hurs and transferring others from Sindh to concentration camps in Indian States.

In certain cases, the Sindh officials raised objections on release of Hurs from India and allowing them to return home.

In certain cases, the Sindh officials raised objections on release of Hurs from India and allowing them to return home or for lodging them again at concentration camps here. Some of the letters of Sindh authorities manifest their scare on release or transfer of 20 Hurs at a time from India to Sindh. It transpired from certain letters that in case of unrest among the Hurs, the authorities shifted ‘dangerous Hurs’ from one to other concentration camp in Indian states also. For example a group of Hurs was shifted to Visapur after unrest. Following letters manifest their scare.

District Superintendent of Police, Nawabshah R. T. Barker in a letter sent to District Magistrate Nawabshah on November 03, 1923, referring to latter’s letter dated October 30, 1923, stated: “All questions regarding the release of Hurs in Visapur to Sindh or out of such settlements be held up till it is clear what effect the recent and numerous releases will have on the conduct of the Hurs generally. It has come to my notice that Variyam, the son of the notorious Bachu (Bachu Badshah), who returned from Visapur this year and is in the Jalalani settlement, goes about, when on a pass, with a crowd of 40 to 50 Hurs like a person of great importance. This has, it is reported, caused a revival of the old spirit among the Hurs, and apprehensions among the Zamindars. Variyam was questioned, and denied taking a large party of Hurs with him but I believe the report.”

Same fears were expressed in a letter of District Superintendent of Police, Tharparkar, which was forwarded to Commissioner of Sindh by District Magistrate, Tharparkar in October 1923. The letter says: “It is too early, perhaps, to judge the effect on the Hurs of repatriation to Sindh of an increased number of their brethren from Visapur. The effect has not been, certainly, to calm the fears of those Zamindars who have loyally helped government against the Hurs – fears justified by the recent murders in Sanghar and Sinjhoro Talukas and the moral support given thereto by a large portion of the Hur community.” The District Magistrate also stated in the letter that there can be no relaxation for the present in the matter of deporting some of the worst Hurs annually to Visapur.

The District Superintendent of Police, Mirpur Khas also through a letter dated December 03, 1923, submitted to the authorities via District Magistrate, a list of Hurs of Sanghar recommending deporting them as according to him these Hurs were sheltering the absconders from Visapur and Sakrand and had been providing facilities for committing crimes. “I may mention here that during the current year 22 Hurs have been repatriated from Visapur to Sanghar. Along with these five, women and nine children were also repatriated. As a result of my efforts Suleman Wasan and Mitho Hingoro have been arrested. The remaining three Hurs are still at large and the police are on the lookout for them,” he informed.

Hardas Mal Uderno Mal, District Magistrate of Nawabshah also was afraid of Hurs. In a letter to Commissioner of Sindh on October 11, 1924, he writes: “It will not be advisable to freely issue passes to Hurs other than those whose repatriation is decided by the government. In a letter dated July 20, 1924 also I expressed my views on the general question of repatriation and I do not think any more Hurs need to be allowed to come home on passes except on urgent occasions of marriage or the like. The present rate of repatriation – 20 percent- is liberal enough for Hurs to prove themselves worthy of being allowed to return home.”

In June 1926, the District Superintendent of Police, Tharparkar submitted to District Magistrate and higher authorities a list of Hurs lodged in Nira Project camp classifying them in dangerous class whose repatriation should be delayed until the last and those of middle class. In that letter the police officer opined that the deported Hurs should be kept at Nira camp at least for five years.

In his comments submitted to Commissioner of Sindh through District Magistrate, the District Superintendent of Police, Nawabshah Mohammad Shah stated on November 14, 1929 that “It is not clear from the letter of the Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer as to how the Hurs after their release from the settlement (camp), will maintain themselves in the Bombay Presidency proper and will that prevent them from absconding and coming to Sindh. If they abscond and remain in hiding in Sindh, they will be much more dangerous than if they are repatriated to Sindh. If, however, it is not possible to detain them any longer in any of the settlements in the Presidency, it would be in my opinion preferable to repatriate them to Sindh at the rate of two or three a year.” The District Magistrate also endorsed DSP’s views. The Commissioner of Sindh had sought views of the district officials on release of Hurs on license vide letter dated October 10, 1929.

The authorities at district level in Sindh or even at Bombay Presidency had been showing such concerns and opposing repatriation and releasing temporarily of Hurs on passes.

The only safe conditions are full jail restrictions and if it is desired to keep the Hurs away from Sindh until they die.

The policy of British authorities regarding Hurs could more be judged from a letter of O. H. B. Starte, ICS, Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer of Bombay Presidency Bijapur written to Commissioner of Sindh on March 20, 1924. He says: “The only safe conditions are full jail restrictions and if it is desired to keep the Hurs away from Sindh until they die, and not run the risk of having them return as absconders, then they must be regularly interned in jails.” It appears from his letter that a group of Hurs were shifted from Nira Projects camp to Visapur camp.

Starte, who was appointed Inquiry Officer for Hur unrest at Nira Project Settlement (Concentration Camp), in his letter mentioned above stated that he was very much impressed by the intense longing for home on the part of the Hurs. “I remember Col. J. Jackson a former Inspector General of Prisons telling me how much he was impressed also by their feeling in this regard, and how necessary it was to give them some hope of a return, sooner or later to their native land. This is of course natural. They are surrounded by alien people; most of them cannot live a family life. If all hope of repatriation was abandoned I have little doubt that they would abscond. As those who return as absconders are much more dangerous than those who return by permission even in the interests of the districts, it is advisable to hold out to them some hope of repatriation. I would say frankly that no settlement condition and restrictions can keep them absolutely from absconding.”

He however advocated alternative policy of permitting a gradual repatriation of the Hurs now in the Nira Projects Settlement together with a policy of expatriating other Hurs to the settlement. He suggested that the repatriating Hurs should be told that they are being repatriated on probation and it would be cancelled in case of any lawlessness.

The officer was of the view that those Hurs who had been away from their country for six years cannot justly be held responsible for lawlessness of the remaining Hurs. “At the same time I admit that those Hurs who are to be repatriated should be carefully chosen with regard to the history prior to their deportation,” he stated saying that in many cases the reasons for deportation of Hurs are not clear as per records now in his possession. He suggested drawing up a confidential list dividing the Hurs lodged in Nira Project Settlement into three classes (a) The Hurs especially dangerous whose repatriation should be delayed until last. (b) Middle Class and (C) Not dangerous whose repatriation might be undertaken first.

Despite realizing the nature of problems of Hurs and soft corner to some extent, the British officer suggested that too many Hurs should not be repatriated and the 20 percent per annum rate of repatriation fixed by the government should be reduced. He called for taking good securities from the Hurs of Nira Project and other concentration camps before issuing them passes. “I think the deposits of Hurs amounting over Rs.18000 (earned by Hurs through labor at the concentration camp) now with me form a valuable lever in ensuring that they will not play any mischief while on pass,” he told Commissioner of Sindh.

A list of 61 Hurs was attached with the letter for confidential report on their character and cases. Their names, caste and home district are as follows:

Abu Bakar son of Valu Hingoro, Tharparkar; Ak son of Madatal Marri, Nawabshah; Alam son of Bahram Shar, Tharparkar; Alam son of Hundo Hingoro, Tharparkar; Alam son of Jani Jakhro, Nawabshah; Ali Shah son of Shershah Syed, Tharparkar; Allah Bux son of Kadu Hingoro, Tharparkar; Allanu son of Shadi Rajpar, Tharparkar; Allu son of Pariyo Mochi, Tharparkar; Alu son of Ismail Hajam, Nawabshah; Babu son of Nidar Khan Chang, Nawabshah; Bachal son of Ghallu Marri, Nawabshah; Bachal son of Piru Kiriyo, Tharparkar; Bachu Shah son of Jiwan Shah Syed, Nawabshah; Barocho son of Maluk Wasan, Nawabshah; Dhani Parto son of Allahyar Hingoro, Tharparkar; Fakiro Khan Kiriyo, Tharparkar; Ghulam Ali Khan Rind, Nawabshah; Hamal son of Alam Marri, Nawabshah; Imam Bux son of Saleh Behan, Tharparkar; Deen Muhammad Khan Nizamani, Tharparkar; Sono son of Gohram Chandiyo, Tharparkar; Jani Shah son of Wadal Shah Syed, Tharparkar; Karimdad son of Yatun Hingoro, Tharparkar; Name not readable son of Gul Mohammad Shar, Nawabshah; Name not readable son of Allahyar Hingoro, Tharparkar; Name not readable son of Kadu Hingoro, Tharparkar; Lala Khaskheli, Nawabshah; Name not readable, by caste Mangrio, Tharparkar; Mohammad son of Abdullah Mahar, Tharparkar; Manjhi son of Tindu Khaskheli, Nawabshah; Two names not readable, one of them Chang of Nawabshah; Mir Khan son of Madat Ali Marri, Nawabshah; Mitha son of Jada Pohar (It might be Panhwar), Tharparkar; Mitha son of Ghazi Khaskheli, Nawabshah; Mohammad Ali Nizamani, Tharparkar; Mohammad Ali son of Shahmir Kiriyo, Tharparkar; Murid son of Saleh Behan, Tharparkar; Niazo son of Mulla Kiriyo, Tharparkar; Obaya son of Allah Bux Hingoro, Tharparkar; Name not readable son of Doso Mochi, Nawabshah; Pindal son of Sabu Dahri, Nawabshah; Punoo son of Khamiso Aradin, Nawabshah; Bachayo Kiriyo, Tharparkar; Ranjho Mangriyo, Tharparkar; Name not readable son of Mulla Hingoro, Tharparkar; 14 names not readable. They belonged to Hingoro, Chang, Wasan, Dahri, Khaskheli, Talpur, Bhanejo, Junejo, Aradin, Kiriyo, Chaniyo and Syed communities of Tharparkar and Nawabshah.

There are a number of Hurs who have been in settlements in this presidency for very many years, and who according to our rules are qualified for discharge on license. Those who are on your ‘A’ list (Dangerous) I gather some cannot be permitted to return to Sindh for some years.

Starte, the same officer in another letter to Commissioner of Sindh on September 27, 1929, from Dharwar camp opposes repatriation of Hurs despite their exemplary conduct but suggests releasing them on license to live on their own in the limits of Bombay Presidency. He states: “There are a number of Hurs who have been in settlements in this presidency for very many years, and who according to our rules are qualified for discharge on license. Those who are on your ‘A’ list (Dangerous) I gather some cannot be permitted to return to Sindh for some years. The Hurs who would be released have been of exemplary conduct in the settlements, and I feel it is hard to detain them further. Their discharge on license to a place in the presidency proper would, I think, be safe.”

On January 02, 1931, Starte in yet another letter to the Commissioner of Sindh refers to a letter No:766-A-III, dated January 23, 1930 from the Commissioner of Sindh, and proposes to release on license the five Hurs of Dohad Settlement under Section 18 of the Criminal Tribes Act 1924 (VI of 1924) and allow them to reside at the Free Colony attached to Dohad Settlement as they had no convictions during the last ten years and no departmental punishment of a serious nature during last three years. According to him their character was reported to be satisfactory and they were earning their livelihood by honest means. The five Hurs were Mangan son of Layak of Tharparkar; Sanghar son of Medha of Nawabshah; Yaru Shah son of Layakdin Shah of Tharparkar; Nihalu son of    Duru of Tharparkar and Dhaniparto son of Allahyar of Tharparkar. During the period of their license to reside at Free Colony, they will be giving weekly roll call and taking passes.

The British authorities released some eight Hurs from Dohad Settlement of Panchmahal district under Section 18 of Criminal Tribes Act along with their dependents in 1932. They were allowed to go back to their villages in Sindh on license. Backward Class Officer of Dharwar, Bombay Presidency D. Symington informed Commissioner of Sindh in a letter dated April 01, 1932 regarding release of Hurs. The released Hurs are Lughoo son of Dawood of Togajo village, Taluka Sanghar, district Tharparkar; Shahu son of Dinu of Kumbhari village, Taluka Sanghar, district Tharparkar; Kamal son of Abjan of Phogawan village, Taluka Sanghar, district Tharparkar; Hassu son of Jiwan of Guladaki village, Taluka Sinjhoro, formerly of Nawabshah district; Khamisa son of Mira of Lutaka village, Taluka Sanghar, district Tharparkar; Mitha son of Walu of Toori village, Taluka Sanghar, district Tharparkar; Kamal son of Makhan of Gurang village, Taluka Sinjhoro, district Nawabshah and Sathi son of Sabu of Jadi village, Taluka Sinjhoro, district Nawabshah.

Earlier, in 1922, C. J. Butler, District Superintendent of Police, Nawabshah in a letter to the District Magistrate, Nawabshah had informed that he has no objection to the transfer of eight Hurs to Sindh namely Dadlo son of Jurio Nizamani, Jiando son of Sajan Wasan, Alim son of Bahram Shar, Jhuro son of Mangio Khaskheli, Lukman son of Ismail Shar, Suleman son of Ibrahim Khaskheli, Yaru Shah son of Laikdino Shah and Alu son of Pario Mochi. He informed that Jhuro and Lukman had already arrived at Mirpur Khas as per letter No: 1064 -H, dated September 26, 1922.

Butler also attached a list of 10 Hurs for transfer from Jalalani concentration camp, Sakrand, district Nawabshah to Visapur concentration camp. The names of Hurs are Imam Bux son of Kehar Khan Jamali of Lal Khan Jamali village, Shahdadpur, Kamal son of Makan Hajam of Khairpur State, Valu son of Bhuro Khaskheli of village Timuho, Sinjhoro, Wali Muhammad son of Mitho Sanjrani of Bero Marri village, Sinjhoro, Dilu son of Pario Kirrio of Dhaniparto Rajar village, Sanghar, Gundrio son of Hot Khaskheli of Waghoo Ji Bhit village, Sanghar, Gulan son of Juman Wasan of Tajo Wasan village, Sinjhoro, Mahomed son of Madad Ali Marri, Adul son of Mehar Wasan of Janib Dhoro, Sanghar and Sumar son of Sajan Machi of Sanghar.

(Continues)

Click here for Part-I

Click here for Part-II

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Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’ authored by Nasir Aijaz (Published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015)

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part III first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Despite imposition of martial law, mass arrests, killings, destruction of villages and a well-hatched conspiracy of disturbing demographic composition of the area by colonization of Bugti tribesmen of Balochistan, Punjabis, Pathans and retired military personnel, granting them thousands of acres of agriculture land in Sanghar and adjoining areas, and clearing a vast area of Makhi forest in a bid to make it unable for Hur militants to use as their hideout, the British failed to suppress the Hur uprising. The then acting Deputy Commissioner Sardar Muhammad Yaqoob, an ill-natured and venomous person from Delhi, whose ancestors were said to be Jews and later converted to Islam, in a report to the Commissioner of Sindh on September 30, 1896 suggested inhuman actions against Hur community including establishing Concentration Camps generally known as ‘Lorrha’, the Hedged Villages, deporting the Hurs to remote Indian states and lodging them in concentration camps there. The term concentration camp refers to a camp in which people are detained or confined, usually under harsh conditions and without regard to legal norms of arrest and imprisonment that are acceptable in a constitutional democracy. One can have the idea what the Concentration Camp was from the following piece of the Lambrick’s novel ‘The Terrorist’ and from account of those who passed long miserable years in those camps:

Saeen Rakhio, the main character of novel says: “It was a village called ‘Bhiri’, about six miles from Sanghar, and there was I born, within tall thorn hedge where policemen stood at the gate; so it is nothing strange that I should die inside a jail. You must have heard how at these places the inmates had to answer their names to the police at roll-call every morning and evening; in the daytime the men were allowed to go out on their work but at night all had to remain inside and the womenfolk might not go beyond the hedge even by day except at harvest time. Then indeed most of them and the children could go with the men for reaping the autumn crops round about Sanghar and along Dim canal, and in the spring season into Makhi, where many of us Hurs had ancient rights to cultivate, though the majority depended on grazing cattle there.”

Saeen Rakhio mentions the deputy (Sardar Yaqoob) of Lucas (Commissioner of Sindh) during whose period the hedged villages were established on his recommendations.

Sindhi book ‘Azadi Ja Aseer’, published by Roza Dhani Chair of Shah Abdul Latif University Khairpur, which is in fact a list of 5525 Hur community people, male and female, lodged in two hedged villages in Nawabshah and Khipro, describes the concentration camps as ‘a jail spread over 16 acres of land with eight feet high hedge around it and 50ft high watch towers at the four corners where the policemen were deployed round the clock to keep check on movement of confined people. Each camp had a big wooden gate with iron bars and it was guarded by armed policemen. The office and the residential quarters for the officials were built outside the camp. All the inmates had to gather at the ground near the gate inside the camp at the dawn and dusk for roll call. Each of the inmate had to tie a badge on his/her arm inscribed with his/her and father’s/husband’s name. The gate would open in the morning only after the roll-call. Initially, the womenfolk were also to appear for the roll-call but later as a result of protest they were exempted of appearance. The male inmates were allowed to go outside the camp for earning livelihood within five-mile periphery and fines and other punishments were imposed on them in case of violation. The camp administration, consisting of a Head Munishi of Revenue Department and police personnel, was not responsible for provision of food and medical facility to the inmates and often they had to starve. Several inmates including men, women and children died due to spread of diseases and starvation. The camp in-charge and policemen always forced the inmates to pay certain amount out of their daily earnings. No inmate was allowed to keep camel or horse and only donkeys were allowed for transportation.

It was a normal day when less than ten villagers expired in the camp. We used to spend whole day digging the graves and burying the dead. One day we counted 32 deaths and it was difficult for us to dig such a large number of graves for burial. Not a single day ever dawned with wailing of women and children on death of their dear ones. We felt tired of burials but the Dogra Sepoys would abuse and hit us with kicks and clubs to dig the graves and bury the dead.

Fakir Muhammad Suleman Wasan, who spent several years of his life in concentration camps of Wango and Gihlpur (Where the police-line exists now in Sanghar Town), told in an interview that a large number of men, women and children were lodged in the camp along with livestock. The ration, they provided, was substandard or poisonous, which caused outbreak of stomach diseases resulting in death of many villagers in a single day. “It was a normal day when less than ten villagers expired in the camp. We used to spend whole day digging the graves and burying the dead. One day we counted 32 deaths and it was difficult for us to dig such a large number of graves for burial. Not a single day ever dawned with wailing of women and children on death of their dear ones. We felt tired of burials but the Dogra Sepoys would abuse and hit us with kicks and clubs to dig the graves and bury the dead.”

Sardar Yaqoob suggested the British authorities of deporting the Hur families, men, women and children, on massive scale to Punjab, NWFP (Khyber Pakhtoonkhaw) and remote Indian territories. “They should be kept in concentration camps there besides establishing such camps in Sindh. Rest of the people of Hur community should be ordered to live near the police stations and appear daily at the police stations.”

In his report mentioned above, justifying the establishment of concentration camps, Sardar Yaqoob writes: “Colonization of retired army personnel and other outsiders will not deliver anything. The only solution to the problem could be compelling the Pir Pagara to order his disciples stop the activities. Moreover, since the Hur community is not in possession of agriculture land and their only source of livelihood is livestock, they should be crushed economically.”

He suggested the British authorities of deporting the Hur families, men, women and children, on massive scale to Punjab, NWFP (Khyber Pakhtoonkhaw) and remote Indian territories. “They should be kept in concentration camps there besides establishing such camps in Sindh. Rest of the people of Hur community should be ordered to live near the police stations and appear daily at the police stations,” he had suggested.

According to him the Pir Pagaro had two hundred thousand disciples in six districts of Sindh that included 70, 000 in Tharparkar, 2000 in Jacobabad, 1,000 in Karachi, 17000 in Khairpur state, 75000 in Hyderabad and 25000 in Shikarpur. He thought that 5453 disciples were actively engaged in insurgency and were a big threat to British authority. As per his proposal, the Hur community people including men and women were to be put into concentration camps. Their numbers were as follows:

A total of 3513 men and women hailing from Taluka Sanghar, Khipro, Shahdadpur and Makhi area; 1366 men and women of Taluka Hala, Tando Allahyar, Sakrand, Mirpur Khas, Umarkot, Moro, Naushehro Feroze and Kandiari; 40 men and women from Tharparkar; 75 men and women from Shikarpur; 20 from Jacobabad and 400 men and women from Khairpur state. No disciple from Karachi was put in concentration camps.

Sardar Yaqoob recommended enforcement of Article 2 of Criminal Tribes Act xxvii of 1871 with addition of certain clauses from Punjab Murderous Outrages Act xxiii 1867.

In his letter, Sardar Yaqoob suggested the British to promulgate Criminal Tribes Act for action against Hurs settled in eleven Talukas of Tharparkar and Hyderabad districts. According to the data provided by him, the total number of male adults of Hur community in the two districts was 4879.

Sardar Yaqoob proposed three concentration camps to be established in Sanghar Taluka – one each at Sanghar, Jhol and Bhiri; two concentration camps at Khipro and one in the limits of Khhaan police station for the Hur community of Mirpur Khas. He identified these locations for concentration camps in view of police stations as well as check posts already existing there with availability of sufficient police force. According to him 1060 male and 883 female members of Hur community belonging to Keerio, Bihan, Wasan, Rajar, Hingoro, Mochi, Junejo, Kori, Khaskheli, Chaang, Sanjrani, Gaho, Nizamani, Jokhia and Saand castes would be lodged at three concentration camps of Sanghar Taluka. For two concentration camps of Khipro Taluka, he proposed 369 male and 307 female members of Mangrio, Hingorjo, Bihan, Rajar, Hingora, Gujo, Kori, Sameja, Pahorr, Junejo, Keerio and some other castes. Since there were a few Hur families (13 adults and 9 children) in Umarkot Taluka, all peasants, belonging to Mangrio, Bhanbhro, Rajar and Syed communities, he suggested to keep them at nearest concentration camp in Khipro Taluka. He identified 15 families of Mahar, Bihan and Junejo consisting of 28 male and 22 female members, of them 12 landholders, who were to be lodged at concentration camp to be established in the limits of Khhaan police station.

Four concentration camps were suggested for Hyderabad district, one at Shahdadpur, four in Sakrand Taluka, where Jalalani or Sakrand camp was the biggest one. Seven villages of Hur community people were identified in Hala Taluka, which were considered as dangerous, as a Hur warrior Wasand Kazak hailed from one of these villages, and thus a concentration camp and a police station was suggested for them at Chharao. The Hurs residing in Chharao were found involved in derailing Lahore Express in 1942 during last phase of Hur guerrilla war.

For the Hur community people of Naushehro Feroze, mainly of Dahri caste, totaling 181 male and 135 female members, a concentration camp was proposed at Misir Ji Warri. Another camp for 220 male and 188 female members of Dahri, Khaskheli, Lohar (blacksmith), Hajam (Barbars), Keerio and Parhyar castes, was to be setup at Saawrri village in riverine area of Moro town. The 15 male and 12 female members of Hur community people of Rajpar and Lohar castes from Kandiaro were to be shifted to           ‘Misir Ji Waarri’ camp of Naushehro Feroze. The reason for establishing concentration camps in Moro and Naushehro Feroze was the desert area of 30 mile distance between Sakrand and Moro, which according to Sardar Yaqoob, could be used by the Hurs as hiding place after committing ‘crimes’ in Sanghar and Sakrand areas.

The Newzealand-based Sindhi researcher Prof. Umar Chand in his book mentions setting up of first ever hedged village or concentration camp at ‘Janib Dhoro’ in 1895. The other concentration camps were established later, as according to correspondence between the officials of Sindh and the Bombay Government, Sardar Yaqoob submitted his detailed report to the Commissioner of Sindh on September 30, 1898 and after two months on November 23, 1898, the same report was forwarded to the Governor and President in Council, Bombay (Some researchers mention Lord Willingdon’s name as Governor of Bombay, which is incorrect, as Lord Sandhurst William Mansfield held this office from 1895 to 1900), by Robert Giles, the acting Commissioner of Sindh in place of Sir H. M. James who earlier on June 07, 1896 in a letter to the Bombay government had opposed imposing the Criminal Tribes Act on Hurs. “The Criminal Tribes Act contained no section under which, it could be extended to Sindh nor would it suit the case for the Hurs as they are not the ordinary criminals. They differ from ordinary classes of criminals of India,” he stated describing the Hurs as having a strong religious fanatic element in their character, and recalling their history compared them with rebellious Irish peasants who were protected by whole community in case of assassination of an unpopular landlord. However Robert Giles’ in his memorandum number 2834 recommended imposition of Criminal Tribes Act 1871 but explained the reasons why it was not appropriate to deport Hurs outside Sindh. As per order number 2536 and 2537, dated May 25, 1899, issued by Governor from Bombay, the Criminal Tribes Act was enforced in Sindh to punish the Hurs for rebellion. The inhuman law was executed in eleven Talukas of Sindh, where according to Sardar Yaqoob’s report there were 151 villages of Hurs, not very distant from vast jungles. He did not include certain areas of Shikarpur, Hyderabad and Tharparkar for enforcement of Criminal Tribes Act, as according to him there were hardly 36 male and 38 female adult Hurs in Rohri and Larkana while 40 adult Hurs were surveyed in Tando Bago Taluka of Hyderabad. A small village named ‘Bhagi Sar’ existed in Chhachhro Taluka where the Hurs of Halepota clan used to live. Being in small numbers and peasants by profession, they were easy to be controlled by police.

The British administration took measures to deport Hurs to Punjab, North West Frontier Province and United Provinces of India, but failed as Punjab and then NWFP refused to accept ‘dangerous criminals’

By the April 1900, the law was enacted to setup concentration camps to lodge entire Hur community in 15 such camps of which six were in Tharparkar district including Mirpur Khas, Sanghar, Jhol, Khipro, Shahdadpur and nine in Hyderabad district including Nawabshah, Sakrand, Hala, Moro and Naushehro Feroze. The total number of adult inmates including male and female of six hedged villages of tharparkar was 2870 while 2804 was that of nine hedged villages of Hyderabad. The number of children lodged in all the camps was equal to number of adult inmates.

The British administration took measures to deport Hurs to Punjab, North West Frontier Province (Present day Khyber Pakhtoonkhaw) and United Provinces of India, but failed as Punjab and then NWFP refused to accept ‘dangerous criminals’. Lucas, in a letter to Bombay Governor Lord Willingdon Freeman Thomas (1913-18) on June 1914, had questioned ‘why the government didn’t consider deporting the Hurs to Bombay Presidency when the Punjab and NWFP refused to accept them?’ Elaborating the idea of deporting the Hurs outside Sindh, Lucas quoted Robert Giles’ memorandum, he stated that ‘in submitting the proposal, Mr. Giles had explained that one of the principal objects of declaring the Hurs as criminal tribe was to enable the authorities to deport some of the worst members of this fanatical sect, and had expressed the opinion that no measure short of removal from Sindh would be really effective.’

Dr. Nabi Bux Baloch writes in his paper that the British government had abolished the concentration camps when Pir Pagaro Shah Mardan Shah (Father of Pir Sibghatullah Shah-II) promised to arrange 500 militants and financial help during the First World War in 1914. Baloch Sahib’s contention must be based on his own research, but the official correspondence available at Sindh Archives is a big proof that the concentration camps were never abolished. This chapter contains details of official correspondence.

The British authorities’ record includes a list of inmates of concentration camps of Nawabshah and Khipro prepared in 1944-45. Each page of this file bears ‘List of Registration Hur Criminal Tribe Members in Sindh Province’. The list contains the names of 5525 male and female Hurs lodged in camps from 1928 to 1944.

The total number of Hurs lodged in concentration camps exceeds the number mentioned in this list of 1944-45 or earlier in Sardar Yaqoob’s report of 1896, as the record pertaining to this subject seems incomplete. The number of concentration camps, which is said to be 15, also looks doubtful, as at some places 21 such camps were reported in Sindh alone. Moreover, several concentration camps were setup in Indian states where deported Hurs were lodged.

According to some Hurs – Fakir Haji Nangar Hingorjo, Haji Fakir Abdullah Hingoro and several others, interviewed in 1980s, the number of Hurs and their families exceeded two hundred thousands, as five to ten thousand people were lodged in each concentration camp. Abdullah Hingoro told that ten thousand people were confined in each of the camp at Jhol, Sinjhoro, Jarwar near Mirpur Mathelo, Shahdadpur, Mirpur Khas, Warah, Akri, Pithoro, Shadi Pali, Nawabshah, Johi, Khipro etc. One Sanwal Fkir Rajar told that he spent certain period at Shadi Pali and Johi concentration camp where 4500 and 5000 men, women and children were lodged respectively.

(Continues)   

Click here for reading Part -I 

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Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’, authored by Nasir Aijaz, published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015. 

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part II first appeared on Sindh Courier.