Farooq Sargani

When I started researching the Hur movement one and a half years ago, I discovered that one of the early writers of the movement was Malhar Faqeer Khaskhaili. However, despite my efforts, I couldn’t find his books. Even recently, I visited the Sanghar District, the hub of Hur guerrilla activities, and interviewed several writers and intellectuals, but none could provide me with Malhar Faqeer’s books or authentic material related to the Hur movement. In this article, I aim to discuss Malhar Faqeer’s contributions to the history of the Hur movement.

Malhar Faqeer Khaskhaili was one of the early writers of the Hur movement and an eyewitness to the colonial period of the British in Sindh. He was born in 1908 in Bhukshu Mari village, Taluka Singharo, and unfortunately, by birth, he was a member of a so-called “criminal tribe.” He spent 44 years under strict surveillance by the ruthless British. Moreover, he received his early education in British concentration camps in Nawabshah and even recited the national anthem of Queen Elizabeth in school. Although he was not a guerrilla fighter like Bacho Badshah, he played a crucial role in highlighting the Hur movement through his rare booklets.

Read: Hur Guerrilla War Strategy against British Colonial Rule in Sindh

Colonialism left a deep impact on the indigenous people of Sindh, and whom Malhar was one of them.  However, he was not deprived of his intellectual approach, which led him to start writing about the history of the Hur resistance movement from an indigenous perspective. He rejected the state’s propaganda that depicted the Hurs as criminals and terrorists. Without financial support, he printed his booklets, and over ten of his books were published by Latif Printing Press in Nawabshah. He distributed copies of these books all over Sindh. These books are considered rare and essential for the history of the Hur movement, but unfortunately, they are not available in the market. This is likely because those who betrayed Surah Badshah and undermined the Hur resistance would be exposed if people in Sindh had access to them.

Malhar Faqeer also spent time with Surah Badshah, and the Pir had instructed him that “if my own son betrays us, the Hurs have permission to shoot him down.” Malhar had an immense understanding of the Hur resistance movement. One of his remarkable contributions was highlighting the role of Hur women, who fought battles alongside their husbands or formed independent gangs of Hur women. In his book ‘Brave Sisters’, he glorified the role of women in the patriotic D-class society of Sindh, a society that did not generally support women’s independence. No one except Malhar Faqeer wrote a researchable article on the contribution of Hur women to the movement.

Read – The Hurs: Once a Criminalized Tribe in Sindh

Furthermore, M. Usman Diplai wrote a novel named ‘Sanghar’, which holds significance in Sindhi literature because much of its foundational knowledge about Hur women, the role of Surah Badshah, and the Hur movement in general was drawn from Malhar’s books.

After the partition of Sindh, Malhar realized that the newly formed government—the so-called Islamic state—continued to treat the Hurs like criminals, just as they had been treated in concentration camps. He mentioned this in his book ‘Tareekh Huriyat Sindh’ (History of the Hur Movement in Sindh), where he noted that on September 9, 1947, the Chief Minister of Sindh visited the Hur settlement in Nawabshah. Malhar Faqeer presented the entire case of the Hur movement, but the government, which was a continuation of colonial rule, remained unsympathetic towards the movement. Their policies toward the indigenous people did not change.

In short, Khaskhaili was a religious man, and he wrote history in a dramatic yet authentic way. His sources were reliable, and he belonged to the Saalim Jumait of Pir Pagaro. Sadly, the so-called “civilized” people of Sanghar have erased his valuable contribution to the Hur resistance movement from history.

Read – Policing Insurgency: The Hurs of Sindh

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The author is a student of History at Karachi University 

(The photos were provided by the author, who got them from the Institute of Sindhology, Jamshoro, where these books are available) 

The post Malhar Faqeer Khaskhaili – One of the early writers of Hur Movement first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Nasir Aijaz

Pir Sibghatullah Shah Rashdi-II, who fought against the British colonial forces and was sentenced to death by a military court, passed his last days of life in death cell with all dignity, and even at the time of execution, which the Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow himself admitted in the last part of his 1st April letter. He had remarked: “I gather that the Pir behaved with dignity at the time of his execution.”

During his confinement in death cell at Hyderabad, Pir Sahib would pray most of the time at night offering prayers, and would sleep in late hours. A British officer, probably Mr. Cooper, used to visit him and played Chess with Pir Sahib and always lost the game. On the night before the Pir was put to gallows; the same officer came intentionally to defeat the Pir Sahib, as he thought the Pir would be under severe stress due to death sentence, and would surely lose the game, but to his utter surprise, Pir Sahib played with complete peace of mind and defeated the officer. “Embracing the martyrdom following the path of truth and righteousness is the tradition of my ancestors; and therefore I will go to the gallows smilingly considering it our religious trait. We are not born to become slaves, and it is the goal of our life to break the chains of slavery,” Pir Sahib told the stunned officer.

Muhammad Usman Deeployee too has narrated the account of 19th March night when Pir Sahib played Chess with British officer. He however mentions name of that officer as Kargil, who was a little bit late.

My friend, why you are late today? Pir Sahib asked smilingly. There was no sign of any tension on his face. Observing his tranquil style, Kargil said: “You are still in a mood to play Chess on the last night of your life?”

“My friend, the life is not trustworthy. And you know every night is considered the last one in the journey, which I have chosen, so it makes no difference if we played the Chess,” Pir Sahib replied with same calmness.

They played till midnight. Kargil thought that Pir Sahib’s calmness was not the natural, but the way Pir Sahib played and defeated him, negated his opinion.

While leaving, Kargil felt very sad and taking a paper out of his pocket, requested Pir Sahib to sign it if he considered him a friend. Pir Sahib replied looking at the paper: “Keep it in your pocket my friend. The persons seeking mercy cannot launch such movements.”

Kargil, not certain about such a peace of mind of Pir Pagaro, didn’t leave the jail premises, and returned to watch secretly what Pir Sahib does. He was sure Pir Sahib couldn’t sleep in tension, as after few hours, he was to be taken to the gallows, but to his surprise, Pir Sahib offered prayers and slept as usual, and exactly at 4a.m he woke up, took bath, offered prayers and while reciting Quran, the jail staff came to take him, and he left the death cell smilingly for the hanging platform.

Kargil, who watched the Pir Sahib all the time till he embraced martyrdom, felt great respect for him. “My honorable friend, a country that gives birth to such lions, cannot remain a slave for longer time,” he said saluting the body of Pir Sahib.

Kargil remembered Pir Sahib’s words, which he said during one of his daily sittings: “From the day one, I hated the imperialism that had enslaved us. I had refused to accept your rewards, titles and appreciation letters. I marched forward slow and steady facing all the hardships, and organized the Ghazi Force. My ultimate goal was ‘Freedom or Death’ and ‘Motherland or Coffin’.

The Khalifas and other selected disciples, who were called to see that their spiritual leader is dead now, didn’t believe, as even after death, his face looked as if he was alive. They thought, the Pir Sahib, whose body was put on a chair with his traditional costume of a Pir, was intoxicated by the authorities. For several years, it was generally considered that Pir Sahib had been deported to some African country or at some island.

When, in January, the Pir Sahib was brought from Seoni jail of India to Hyderabad jail, Lambrick, accompanied by his assistant Kargil and some other officers, had come to the death cell where he saw him sitting without any strain and anxiety. Lambrick came close to Pir Sahib expecting that he will rise and shake hand, but Pir Sahib just extended hand sitting at the chair. “Pir Sahib, the visitors are always welcomed,” Lambrick said with a smile on his face.

“But you are not the visitor. You are the man who has come to meet and impress a rebellion, confined with deception,” Pir Sahib replied.

“Even then you must respect the visitors,” Lambrick said.

“It will create a doubt on my being the Hussaini (descendent of Imam Hussain martyred at Karbala) if I developed a slight respect for an imperialist,” Pir Sahib replied.

Feeling embarrassed, Lambrick then turned to other topic justifying the British actions but the Pir Sahib negated him with strong arguments. When the Lambrick said lamenting that Hurs derailed Lahore Mail to eliminate Allah Bux Soomro and Nahchaldas but several innocent passengers were killed, Pir Sahib replied in a serious tone: “Mr. Lambrick, your government had launched propaganda to give such a wrong impression through the newspapers, but the fact is that the Hurs didn’t intend it.”

“Then what they had planned?” asked the Lambrick but didn’t like to discuss those matters in presence of other people and changed the topic.

Same night, at around 10, Kargil, the Lambrick’s assistant, came alone to see the Pir Sahib. He ordered the guard to unlock the Cell and move away. “Pir Sahib, would you allow me to come in considering me a friend?” Kargil sought permission. Pir Sahib rose smilingly and replied: “Friendship is a far off thing, but I would welcome if you have come with sense of humanity.”

After hand shake, Kargil said: “I am anxious to know the actual plan of Hurs behind removing the fishplates that derailed Lahore Mail.”

Pir Sahib smiled: “Yes, derailment was the actual plan, but not for the Lahore Mail.”

“Then which one,” Kargil said.

“That one which was to transport troops and weaponry to the Makhi area to destroy it, but unfortunately its engine failed and ill-fated Lahore Mail departed earlier than it. The Hurs immediately boarded the train and warned the driver but by then the train had reached at that place,” Pir Sahib told.

Kargil was taken aback. “And what about enrolling the Ghazis to wage a war against British?”

“Yes, we did it, and it was not a secret. We openly recruited the Ghazis to fight for the motherland. It was not a band of robbers.”

After some time, Pir Sahib said: ‘Now leave such serious issues. Do you like playing Chess?”

“Oh, it’s my favorite game,” he told and then they had been playing the Chess daily till the last night of his life.

But the British authorities under a plan spread rumors of Pir Sahib, the man of strong nerves, that he might commit suicide after the military court announces its verdict. According to Special Branch record, the directives were issued on 23rd February to spread such rumors. After that, directives were issued on 27th February to deploy three special guards that would be performing round the clock in shifts to ensure that Pir Sahib doesn’t commit suicide, and to prevent him in case of doing so. The special guards were Longman, Irvin and Corporal Haig. The plan of spreading such rumors was aimed to terrorize the Hurs by giving impression that their spiritual leader was so afraid that he might commit suicide anytime. The copies of these directives were also sent to Commissioner of Police, Inspector General of Jails, Martial Law Administrator, and Brigade-Major of Upper Sindh Force and also to the Lambrick.

Pir Sahib had prohibited smoking for all his disciples but during his confinement at Hyderabad jail, he used to enjoy cigar. When he was taken to the gallows on March 20, 1943, Pir Sahib laughed and prayed to Allah “O my lord, forgive me for having committed the sin of smoking (Cigar)”.

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Excerpt from the book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’, authored by senior journalist Nasir Aijaz. The book, published by Sindh Culture Department in 2015, is available at its bookshop in Karachi. 

The post Last days of Shaheed Pir Pagara in Death Cell first appeared on Sindh Courier.

As the 41 Hurs of Visapur Concentration camp didn’t take part in strike, the British authorities began considering their repatriation to Sindh. The Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay Presidency in his letter dated August 26, 1922 had suggested repatriation of all the 41 Hurs (40 Hurs, as one of them – a Muccadum was hammered to death), however, as per policy and rules, the Bombay government sought the opinion of Sindh officials and again the Commissioner of Sindh sent a letter dated September 15, 1922 to Deputy Inspector General of Police, Sindh and also circulated it among the District Magistrates for soliciting their opinion. The D. I. G. Police, Sindh D. G. Ommanney vide a letter dated September 16, 1922 responded positively agreeing to the proposal of repatriating 41 non-striking Hurs from Visapur. He viewed that it can be considered locally where they should be placed. “It might be a good thing if at any rate some of them were not sent to a settlement but allowed to return to their villages and ordered to report to their police station once a week and to report any change of residence. He said the government might order that these 41 men should be sent back to their own districts, and in the meantime the District Magistrates and District Superintendents of Police concerned can be consulted as to their fate. DIG Police however apprehended that Settlement Officer will not agree to take any of the Hurs into his ordinary settlements. He suggested allowing 20 percent of the Hurs to return to Sindh and advocated continuing the system of deporting the Hurs out of Sindh. He described giving up this system as a ‘great mistake’.

Despite recommending repatriation of 41 Hurs from Visapur by the IG Prisons, Bombay Presidency and no objection by DIG Police Sindh, no decision could be made by the authorities for over a year, as the district authorities of Sindh were reluctant to receive Hurs in such a large number.

Lt. Col. R. M. Dalziel vide a letter dated October 28, 1922 submitted a list of ten Hurs to the Commissioner of Sindh requesting for issuing orders as to where these Hurs and their families should be sent. The ten Hurs included Alu son of Pariyo Mochi, Balu son of Piru Bhanojo, Alam (Alim) son of Bahram Shar, Suleman son of Ibrahim Khaskheli, Yaru Shah son of Laikdino Shah, Lukman son of Ismail Shar, Lallu son of Rakhio Sinhro, Dadlo son of Jurial (Jurio) Nizamani, Jiando son of Sajan Wasan and Jundo (Jhuro) son of Mangio Khaskheli. These names were circulated among District Magistrates and the response from Thar & Parkar was that Lukman and Jundo had already been repatriated to Sindh as a reward for abstaining from strike. The District Magistrate objected return of rest of Hurs except three namely Balu, Lalu and Dadlo.

The District Superintendent of Police, Nawabshah however in a letter through District Magistrate stated that eight Hurs Alu, Alim (Alam), Suleman, Yaru Shah, Lukman, Dadlo, Jiando and Jhuro had been deported to Visapur on December 12, 1915 and during the period of over six years they maintained a good record. They bear good character at present as will be seen from the roll forwarded by Settlement Officer Visapur. He did not object to return of these Hurs to Sindh informing that Lukman and Jhuro had already arrived at Mirpur Khas. He however suggested eight other names of Hurs from Jalalani camp for deporting to Visapur in exchange that included Kamal son of Makhan Hajam, who was transferred from Sanghar camp in 1914.

A month earlier on September 28, 1922 the Settlement Officer of Visapur had sent the list of ten Hurs with their age, villages and family members. Four of the Hurs were married and were there since December 14, 1915. Seven names were same while three others – Mohammad son of Gamu Mahar, Arab son of Fakiro Kori and Atal son of Samano Bihan. No action was taken on this list.

On February 07, 1923, Dalziel wrote to Commissioner Sindh forwarding a list of Hurs and informed that eight names were there in the list however he added the name of Mohammad son of Gamu who bears good character and had influence at Visapur over the inmates. “Mohammad Gamu is a man who has had his lesson and has seen that it does not pay to kick against the pricks, and that if sent to Sindh, his influence would be good and will advise others not to commit any act which would result in deportation to Visapur.”

The list he forwarded also included the name of Wariyam Khaskheli son of Bachu Badshah among Kamil son of Mataro Bihan, Mubarak son of Badal Mahar, Nabi Shah son of Shah Mardan Shah, Lakhmir son of Bahram Shar, Haroon son of Bahram Shar, Dadlo son of Sajan Nizamani, Durani son of Sumar.

The correspondence between the officials of Sindh and Bombay continued even in late 1923, when a shortlisted names of 19 Hurs were sent to Commissioner of Sindh by Visapur Settlement Officer through a telegram dated September 21, 1923.

The 19 Hurs, who according to telegram remained loyal during the strike, were: Alu son of Pariyo, Alam son of Bahram, Arab son of Fakiro, Suleman son of Ibrahim, Yaru Shah son of Laikdin Shah, Abdul Wahid son of Gul Mohammad, Barocho son of Maluk, Dinu son of Ramu, Hashim son of Umar, Imam son of Sawan, Khair Shah son of Jiwan Shah, Kasam (Karam) son of Imam Bux, Manthar son of Kadu, Mangan son of Tamachi, Mohammad Esuf (it could be Yusif) son of Abdullah, Mangal Shah son of Bhopo Shah, Sanghar son of Mehro, Wahud (Wahid) son of Lall and Yakub son of Walidad.

This list was also circulated among District Magistrates and Superintendents of Police for seeking their opinion and objections soon as it was received. In response to it, Mahmud Shah, the District Superintendent of Police, Mirpur Khas, through a letter dated September 25, 1923 raised serious objection stating that all the Hurs mentioned in telegram had a very dark record in the Hur Settlement at Sanghar and were picked ‘criminals’ with exception of Mohammad Usif who was only a boy at the time of his deportation. Surprisingly, the police official contradicted his own words about Usif saying that ‘Usif was deported because he was the local head of a most dangerous section of the Hurs and that section had to be disorganized. The police official submitted names of 11 Hurs for release describing them as ‘less dangerous’ than others. They were Arbab, Suleman, Abdul Wahid, Dinu, Hashim, Imam, Khair Shah, Karam, Mangal Shah, Wahid and Yakub. He opined that it would be most unsafe to release the other eight Hurs just at present.

After receiving such comments, the Sindh Commissioner office recommended repatriation of only 11 Hurs from Visapur and as a result, C. H. Brierley, Superintendent and Settlement Officer, Visapur informed the Home Secretary, Bombay Presidency that vide a letter dated October 09, 1923 that 11 Hurs along with wife of Arab, a wife, son and a daughter of Khair Shah and wife and a son of Kasam (Karam) were transferred to Sanghar Settlement of Thar & Parkar district under police escort.

In 1924, the Sindh Commissioner Office had sought report/comments about 37 Hurs of Tharparkar district that were lodged at Visapur Camp. The District Superintendent of Police Mahmud Shah submitted report with comments on each Hur and sent through District Magistrate. He had classified the Hurs according to which 18 were dangerous whose repatriation was suggested to be delayed; 10 were of middle class and only nine were ‘not dangerous’ whose repatriation could be undertaken. The names appearing in the report were almost same discussed in this chapter.  

The approval for release of some eight Hurs from Nira Projects Settlement was also given by the Bombay Presidency in 1925. In a letter dated January 14, 1925, J. A. Shillidy, Deputy Secretary to the Government of Bombay Home Department, informed the Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer, Dharwar that with reference to his letter dated December 17, 1924, the approval has been given for the release of eight Hurs from Nira Settlement on probation. Four other Hurs namely Shah Ali son of Rahim Khan, Obhayo son of Allah Bux, Allu son of Pariyo and Maji son of Landu were also allowed to return vide a letter dated April 01, 1925 issued from Sindh Commissioner office.

On March 30, 1926, Mr. J. B. Irwin, the Assistant Commissioner of Sindh, Karachi informed Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer, Dharwar that in his letter dated January 17, 1926, the Commissioner has approved return of released Hur Obhayo son of Dosu Mochi to his village on the condition that he will report himself twice a year to the Mukhtiarkar, Shahdadpur, who is probation officer. In a letter to Assistant Commissioner, the District Magistrate Nawabshah informed that out of five Hurs released on probation, one Obhayo son of Dosu Mochi belongs to his district and his residence is at village Nichayo Bhanujo, Taluka Shahdadpur, and he need not to be placed in a Settlement and be allowed to remain in his own village. He also showed no objection to release of Ak son of Madad Ali and Bachal son of Ghalu but endorsed the views of District Superintendent of Police who raised serious object to release of Bachu Shah son of Jivan Shah saying that his physical weakness is not likely to debar him from tutoring other Hurs and teaching them modus-operandi of ‘Hur Crimes’.

The Judicial Department of Sindh Commissioner Office, Karachi vide a letter dated June 09, 1927 conveyed the Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer, Bombay Presidency the approval of release of 16 Hurs whose names he had submitted vide a letter dated December 15, 1926. The names are Mir Khan son of Madad Ali Khan, Alam son of Jani, Hamal son of Alam, Laloo son of Sobjo, Sathi son of Sabu, Sathi son of Pandhi, Tanwar son of Hafiz, Punhu son of Khamiso and Sartaj son of Abdullah, all of Nawabshah district, and Allahnu son of Shadi, Fakiro son of Khanu, Manthar son of Kadu, Mitha son of Jado, Mohammad Ali son of Dosan, Imamu son of Mohammad Khan and Jani Shah son of Wadal Shah, all of Tharparkar district. It was stated that the latter two Hurs are to be released after some time while the name of one more Hur will be communicated on receipt of reply from District Magistrate.

In some of the correspondence, the officials also discussed the Hurs who had escaped from Settlements at different times. Mr. J. B. Irwin, the then District Magistrate of Tharparkar in a letter sent to Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer, Bombay Presidency in June 1929 that two Hurs Gagan and Badal were deported to Visapur in the year 1913 from Sanghar and Khipro Talukas respectively. They escaped from the settlement in 1922 and were arrested in 1927. They were then deported again to Shivrajpur.

Probably, the above two Hurs are among those five Hurs of Visapur who escaped in 1922 from the weekly bazaar, and were arrested in Sindh. The escaped Hurs had created panic among Sindh administration after reaching here, while raised the morale of Hurs, which is evident from this report of District Magistrate of Tharparkar submitted in 1923: “None of the repatriated Hurs has so far been found directly responsible for any serious crime but there are clear indications that the Hurs have begun to feel that their community is getting stronger and that they are no longer without leaders.”

“Suleman Wasan and four other ‘notorious’ Hurs who escaped from Visapur last year have been freely moving about among the members of their fraternity in Sinjhoro and Sakrand Talukas of Nawabshah district and in Sanghar Taluka of Tharparkar district. The efforts of police to capture them have been baffled by the attitude of the Hurs who have been fearlessly sheltering the absconding Hurs inspite of repeated warnings from the police,” the report says adding that several Zamindars (loyal to British government) have become nervous and eight of them have applied for protection.

A letter from District Magistrate, Mirpur Khas dated April 17, 1924 reveals that Suleman Wasan and Mitho Hingoro were arrested and deported again.

 Hurs deported to Kala Pani (Andaman Islands)

Several Hurs were expelled from Sindh after their arrest and shipped to Andaman Islands where they had been languishing for years or for whole of life. However, their exact number couldn’t be ascertained. It is said that at least 733 prisoners were shipped to Andaman Islands from Karachi in 1868 and it might be that the Hurs also were among them. Thousands of other prisoners were sent there from Calcutta and Bombay. According to Fakir Mir Muhammad Nizamani, one Muhammad Khan Rind of Shahpur Chakar, district Sanghar, had been sentenced to be shipped to Kala Pani (Andaman Islands) for committing a number of dacoities. He was not the Hur but Darya Khan Nizamani, Wasand Qazaq and Rano Wasan, three Hur militants were confined there with him. Muhammad Khan Rind had somehow escaped from the Islands covered with thick forests. The three Hurs too had escaped later and returned to Sindh. Another three Hurs Owais Fakir Wasan and his two companions were also shipped to Andaman Islands in 1895 and nobody knows whether they retuned or not.

During the 1940s, the Lambrick had floated the idea of shipping the Hurs to Andaman, as according to him (his correspondence between December 1944 to 1946 File No: MSS/Eur 208/88) he wished Hurs to be thrown to Andaman Islands like the Russians did to the people of occupied countries by sending them to Siberia and the England used to deport its criminals to Australia.

On 12th April 1945, an Indian high ranking official Colville informed Governor Dow that he agrees his proposal for deporting Hurs to Andaman Islands however the Home Department of Bombay has to decide the matter.

(Concludes)

Click here for Part-I, Part-II, Part-III, Part-IV, Part-V, Part-VI

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Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’ authored by Nasir Aijaz (Published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015)

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part- VII first appeared on Sindh Courier.

After the escape of five Hurs of Visapur Concentration Camp, the unrest had escalated in the meantime, as majority of unmarried Hurs supported by some married Hurs went on strike in June 1922 in protest against tough measures by the authorities. The strike continued for two months. During the strike, the Hurs refused to work. The detailed account of situation, developed due to strike of Hurs, was given in a report to Home Department, Bombay Government by Lt. Col. R. M. Dalziel, Acting Inspector General of Prisons Bombay on August 06, 1922.

There were 96 male Hurs, 30 of whom married, 32 women including 2 unmarried, and 37 children were languishing at Visapur Concentration Camp in 1922

Dalziel, who visited the Visapur camp on August 01 to 04, 1922, writes in his report: “There are 96 male Hurs, 30 of whom are married. Of the 32 women, 30 are wives of Hurs and remaining two are unmarried – one of them being a widow and one a maid servant. The number of children is 37. After the suspension of ‘privileges’ the majority of unmarried Hurs and ten of married Hurs went on strike and refused to work and became unruly and up-to-date have refused to work i.e. for two months. On July 28, 1922, five Hurs were prosecuted for refusing to obey orders and three of them were sentenced to 15 days rigorous imprisonment and two to 30 days rigorous imprisonment on July 29, 1922.”

B. S. Sethna, the Settlement Inspector, was violently assaulted by one of the Hurs, thrown to the ground, and severely bruised in several places.

He stated that B. S. Sethna, the Settlement Inspector, was violently assaulted by one of the Hurs, thrown to the ground, and severely bruised in several places. The assailant is to be prosecuted, he told adding that on July 31, 1922, the situation became serious and the Hurs showed symptoms of becoming entirely out of hand and assumed to say the least of it, a very threatening attitude and appeared to be certainly going to break away and escape. Settlement Officer Mr. Brierley promptly asked the help from Ahmed Nagar police to control the situation, he told.

As regards earning of Muccadums and the inmates of concentration camp, the acting-IG Prisons said that the Muccadums get 9 annas per day as pay and the others, when they work, or on piece work and may earn as much as 34 or as little as Rs.8 per month, according to their zeal. Their work is to dig and load earth. If an unmarried Hur earns more than Rs.15 per month and if a married Hur earns more than Rs.19, any excess over the above amount is not given to them but banked in their names. They are however allowed to withdraw money from their banking account if they desire so. “The strikers have now for two months been living on their savings, and it will therefore be easy to understand that their banking accounts are near the vanishing point. They however refuse to work and demand that government must ration them,” he said.

“These men are not yet in distress and they possess a large flock of goats. It’s possible that there is ‘propaganda’ behind the action of these men and wicked insinuations have already appeared in the press concerning the alleged unhappy plight of these misguided men,” he remarked suggesting that in case the government decides to give them ration, it should be only Rs.3 per month to each of striker and Rs.2 to each dependent of a striker.

Commenting on the demands of striking Hurs, Dalziel said: “They have suddenly discovered that the earthwork is distasteful to them. No credence needs to be given to this. They really object to work of any kind. They also demand that a definite period should be stated, at the end of which they should be released. They say that until the escape of five Hurs, they had hope of release but now they have no hope as the disciplinary action indicates that the heart of government has hardened and that they are made to suffer for the sins of others, and that they will die at the Settlement and never see Sindh again.”

Acting IG Prisons recommended that 55 striking Hurs should be scattered and sent to the various other settlements in Bombay Presidency.

Neglecting the grievances of striking Hurs, the acting IG Prisons reported that he has ordered that even if these strikers now consent to work, they should not be allowed to go out to work until the government has passed the orders on the subject. “If these men consent to go out to work, it is probable that it will only be a first step in an arranged escape,” he apprehended and recommended that 55 striking Hurs should be scattered and sent to the various other settlements in this Presidency, as it is inexpedient to keep these ‘truculent’ men in one camp. “After, but not before, this has been done, I recommend that the 41 men who did not strike, should be transferred to one of the settlements in Sindh, as an indication that government will show consideration to well-behaved men,” he stated.

One of seven Muccadums, who was sentenced to 30 days rigorous imprisonment, has died as the direct result of having been unmercifully hammered in Deccan Extra Mural Prison.

According to him the non-striker 41 Hurs included 26 men who were still working on earthwork. They include two of three Muccadums, who were broken and still meekly going to work. Eight men are those who work on fixed wages inside the camp i.e. two sweepers, two on sick list, one schoolmaster, one sick attendant, one lamp lighter and one infirm man besides seven Muccadums.

“Unfortunately, one of seven Muccadums, who was sentenced to 30 days rigorous imprisonment, has died as the direct result of having been unmercifully hammered in Deccan Extra Mural Prison,” he disclosed in the report informing that for this crime one Sepoy and two convict officers will be prosecuted.

In his adverse remarks, Dalziel said: ”Although these Hurs are not convicted criminals, they are abandoned ruffians whose hands are dripping with blood.”

He also questioned the selection of site of Visapur Settlement, as it’s just at the dam where 1200 convicts had been working. “It is presumed that the Deccan Convict Gang will be removed from Visapur in 1925, so that the Hurs Settlement could not remain there after 1925,” he concluded.

Hur Fakir Muhammad Siddique Bihan son of Karim Bux, resident of village Phhotto Khan Bhnbhro, interviewed in November 1994, told that they shifted from Gurang bungalow locality to Jhol town to cultivate lands but were arrested by the military. They were first taken to Sinjhoro, then Nawabshah and later to Hyderabad. A magistrate Raghumal was posted there to sentence the Hurs. When the Hyderabad jail overcrowded, the Hurs were deported to Visapur, Essapur and other concentration camps of India. It was 1943 when 200 Hurs were deported to Indian territories. Siddique Bihan, Bolu Chang, Khuda Bux Chang and Abdullah Mughrepoto were among a group of 42 Hurs who was first transported to Mirpur Khas and then by train to Ahmedabad, India to lodge them at Visapur concentration camp. For some days, they were kept in chains. “There were several other Hurs languishing since 1918 including Manthar Hingoro, Ali Muhammad Wasan,” he told.

The Hurs were shifted to Sholapur hedged camp when the India faced shortage of grain due to famine. Later, they were shifted to Bejapur camp.

Siddique Bihan and other new comers observed hunger strike for two days at the concentration camp when they were served meals by a Bhangi (sanitation worker). “We told the camp officials that we are prepared to be shot dead but will not eat the food cooked and served by the Bhangi,” he told adding: “We didn’t end hunger strike till the IG Jails came and accepted our demand providing the ration and allowing us to cook on our own.”

The Hurs were shifted to Sholapur hedged camp when the India faced shortage of grain due to famine. Later, they were shifted to Bejapur camp and allowed to work and earn livelihood on their own. “When we completed three-year sentence, 120 Hurs were repatriated to Hyderabad camp where seven to eight thousand Hurs were already lodged,” he told.

(Continues)   

Click here for Part-I, Part-II, Part-III, Part-IV, Part-V

_____________________

Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’ authored by Nasir Aijaz (Published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015)

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part- VI first appeared on Sindh Courier.

 The long detention at Visapur had resulted severe unrest among Hurs, who at last submitted a joint application of 100 persons to the Governor of Bombay through camp officer on July 02, 1922 requesting repatriation to Sindh. They stated: “For the past seven years we have been honestly doing hard work of cutting out rock. All this labor however has not resulted in improving out lot. We poor people are subjects and children of government and not its foes. An injustice such as we a hundred men have suffered from is unparalleled in the history of British rule in India. We have been transported along with our wives and children to a distant place and put on the hard labor of cutting out rock. It is a pity such a state of things has been possible under British rule, which is reputed to be so just and fair as to give equal protection to all. What is worse is that we are undergoing imprisonment for no definite period of time. An ordinary criminal who is sentenced to seven year imprisonment is relieved of his work and made a Mukadam after a year or two. The government is powerful but our lot has not been improved.”

“Another grievance of ours is that it is not possible for us here to marry as required by our religion, from among our own kinsmen because of limited number of men and women here. Again, we have lost our lands and other property in consequence of our deportation to this place,” the Hurs complained.

The Bombay government forwarded the petition to authorities in Sindh and subsequently sought comments through telegrams sent on August 27, 1922 and August 31, 1922. The Sindh Commissioner Office circulated the petition among District Magistrates of Tharparkar and Nawabshah vide letter September 15, 1922, which was responded in November 1922. W. P. Cowie, the then District Magistrate of Nawabshah in his letter dated November 08, 1922, stated that the Hurs on being sent to Visapur had arranged for care of their property by their relatives or others and that no complaints have yet been raised on this point. He however favored Visapur Hurs saying that their release is dependent not so much on their behavior but on the whim of some officer. “Those at Visapur are forced to do most uncongenial labor and are without hope of returning to Sindh,” he stated pointing out fault of the system of dealing with the Hurs. He suggested retaining Visapur camp as ‘threat’ and that sending certain number of Hurs there but more often exchanging them with others.

The District Magistrate of Tharparkar also gave same report about land and other property of Hurs saying that most of the Hurs had no lands and they had sold livestock at the time of deportation. Only three Hurs – Durani Hingoro, Ali Sher Shah Syed, Attal Bihan and Nabi Shah had land. Durani’s land is being looked after by his son, Ali Sher Sha’s land is given on sharing basis, Attal’s land is looked after by his brother while a respectable person Faiz Mohammad Junejo looks after the land of Nabi Shah.

About the issue of marriages, he stated that female Hurs of marriageable age are at present in the Visapur camp. If there are no suitable matches in their small community at Visapur, they must seek for alliance in Sindh. According to him the suggestion regarding increase in the number of repatriated Hurs is adopted, would solve the question of marriage.

C. H. Brierley, Settlement Officer, Visapur Camp, in a report to Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay Presidency, Poona on June 03, 1922 stated: “While on my way to the settlement to distribute doles shortly before 5 O’ clock last evening, I received a message that five Hurs (single men) had escaped from the Pimpalgaon village where they had gone for purchasing food etc. from the weekly bazaar.

On February 12, 1923, the Bombay Government in a memorandum to Sindh Commissioner said that: “Government is of opinion that the policy in regard to the treatment of Hurs in the settlement requires some reconsideration. It is desirable that the Hurs should have something to work for some hope that good behavior will result in remission of their punishment and early return to Sindh. This will involve a more liberal arrangement for sending well-behaved Hurs to Sindh.”

As the delay in consideration of petition was irritating and no decision was taken yet on the joint application of Hurs, an incident took place on June 02, 1922 in which some of the Hurs absconded on the day fixed for Hurs allowing them to visit the bazaar for buying ration.

C. H. Brierley, Settlement Officer, Visapur Camp, in a report to Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay Presidency, Poona on June 03, 1922 stated: “While on my way to the settlement to distribute doles shortly before 5 O’ clock last evening, I received a message that five Hurs (single men) had escaped from the Pimpalgaon village where they had gone for purchasing food etc. from the weekly bazaar. This concession to selected bachelor Hurs was recommended by my predecessor Mr. Hall on December 02, 1919 and sanctioned by Head Office on December 09, 1919. It was practice during my predecessor’s time to send selected married Hurs out un-escorted on a single pass. Although there was apparently nothing against this procedure, I didn’t consider it quite satisfactory, and as safeguard, introduced the system of sending both married and single selected Hurs out on bazaar days in charge of Muccadums – each Muccadum being responsible for five Hurs only, their names being noted on a pass. On this occasion three separate batches (15 Hurs in all) were sent out, as usual, in charge of three Muccadums. Three Hurs appear to have broken away from one of the Muccadums and two from other. A policeman on horse was rushed to the Pimpalgaon to make inquiries. He then proceeded to in the direction of Ghargaon and Belwandi, where it was ascertained from a villager that five Hurs had been making their way. Another horse-rider was dispatched to search the Hurs in entire area up to Belwandi. A policeman was sent to look at 5.30 evening train and to warn railway station authorities while two policemen were sent on foot in the direction of Ghargaon. Urgent telegrams were dispatched to the Railway Sub Inspectors of Police Dhond, Manmad and Poona; and subsequently to the District Superintendents of Police Ahmed Nagar, Nasik, Poona, Khandesh and Tharparkar. The policemen returned at late hour with no further news of the runaways.”

The report further says that three Muccadums sent in charge of the batches had nothing to offer in defence except that in the crowd their parties got broken up, and some time elapsed in searching the village for them. “I think, in place of keeping them together they allowed the Hurs in their respective charges to scatter on pretext of making purchases, and thus played into their hands. There was no connivance shown by any of the Muccadums but undoubtedly slackness,” he writes informing that he had suspended three Muccadums and kept them in Settlement.

On July 17, 1922, the Settlement Officer, Visapur Camp in a letter to Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay Presidency, Poona reported that he has stopped entirely the weekly bazaar leave of bachelor Hurs and none of them is kept open at night. However, it does not apply to married Hurs, who are allowed as usual a few hours leave to go in small parties under escort to the Pimpalgaon village for making purchases. But such leave is granted only on Sunday instead of Friday, which is not the weekly bazaar day. They are kept open at night. He informed that after the escape of five Hurs and suspension of three Muccadums, none of the inmates is willing to take up the vacant appointments.

(Continues)                                                      

Click here for Part-I

Click here for Part-II

Click here for Part III

Click here for Part IV 

___________________________

Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’ authored by Nasir Aijaz (Published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015)

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part- V first appeared on Sindh Courier.

The names of Wariyam son of Bachu Badshah and Jiando Wasan nephew of Piru Vizier appeared several times in the correspondence between the Sindh officials and Bombay Presidency. Bachal Alias Bachu Badshah had named his son after his father Wariyam, a warrior who also sacrificed life while fighting the British. His grandson Wariyam too followed the footprints of ancestors and during the resistance war was deported to India in 1915. Similarly, Jiando Wasan was deported two years earlier in 1913.

In 1923, when the Bombay Presidency desired to repatriate some Hurs to Sindh including Wariyam, R. E. Gibson, the then Commissioner of Sindh referring to a letter dated February 07, 1923 from Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay about repatriation of Hurs from Visapur Settlement, suggested vide a letter dated April 12, 1923 that there is no objection to the repatriation of Hurs to Sindh. He, however, suggested that all the Hurs except Wariyam son of Bachu and Mubarak son of Badal should be sent to Sanghar Settlement while these two should report to District Magistrate Nawabshah.

Wariyam was married and by that time he had a daughter. He and his family were to be repatriated. Among other Hurs Mohammad son of Gamu had a wife, two sons and two daughters, Kamil son of Mataro had a wife and Lakhmir son of Bahram had a wife and a daughter while Haroon son of Bahram, Nabi Shah son of Shah Mardan, Dadlo son of Sajan and Durani son of Sumar were single.

Jiando Wasan son of Sajan, who served as schoolmaster at Visapur camp, had applied for repatriation to Sindh on the grounds that his daughter had become of marriageable age and that he was unable to support his family, which consisted of wife, two sons and two daughters out of the pay of Rs.15/- that he got as schoolmaster and Rs.4/-, which are paid to him as doles.

His application was sent to Sindh officials for comments on which the then District Magistrate Nawabshah J. M. Sladen vide letter dated June 23, 1923 informed the Commissioner of sindh that Jiando had satisfactory character since his admission in the Visapur Settlement. “The District Superintendent of Police Nawabshah has no objection to his repatriation to Sindh. Moreover, in view of the fact that Wariyam son of Bachu Badshah has recently been repatriated to Sindh, there should be no objection to the repatriation of Jiando Wasan who is only a nephew of Piru Vizier, especially since he bears a good character at Visapur and he will not be released outright here but kept in Jalalani Agricultural Settlement,” he stated.

The repatriation of Jiando Wasan was in fact recommended by Settlement Officer, Visapur in 1922, as he was reported to be well behaved, but a letter from District Magistrate Nawabshah sent to Inspector General of Prisons, Bombay through Judicial Department of Commissioner of Sindh’s office on July 19, 1923 shows that District Magistrate Tharparkar had objected Jiando Wasan’s repatriation vide letter dated December 18, 1922. On same date the Commissioner of Sindh vide a letter No: 3140-H communicated to Home Department of Bombay the objection and endorsing it. The Assistant Commissioner in Sindh, on behalf of Commissioner, vide letter No:729-H dated May 26, 1923 again informed the Bombay Presidency that Commissioner of Sindh had not recommended the repatriation of Jiando Wasan to Sindh as the District Magistrate Tharparkar was opposed to it even in October 1922.

(Continues)

Click here for Part-I

Click here for Part-II

Click here for Part III

______________________

Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’ authored by Nasir Aijaz (Published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015)

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part IV first appeared on Sindh Courier.

The British colonial authorities had established at least thirteen concentration camps for deported Hurs in Indian States. These camps were as follows:

1) Chharanagar, a historical place near Ahmedabad, Gujarat. The people residing here are called as Bhantu. They were the freedom fighters and the British had bonded them in a jail, which still exist near this town. They were brave and fought against the colonial forces. The British authorities had branded them as criminals like the Hurs and scattered them to different provinces of India.

2) Dohad, which means two boundaries. It is located near Godhra, Baroda on the banks of river Dudhimati, and is a town in Dohad district within the State of Gujarat. Currently the city serves as District Headquarters for Dahod District. It is approximately 200 km away from Ahmedabad. It is known as Dohad as the States of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh border the town. It is the birthplace of the last great Mughal emperor Aurangzeb.

3) Ambernath near Kalyan, Bombay that lies on Bombay to Pune railway route in Maharashtra State.

4) Dhule in Khandesh region of Maharashtra.

5) Mahad, Pandalpur/Pandharpur, Maharashtra.

6) Bijapur, Karnatka State. It’s a city 384km West of Hyderabad Deccan.

7) Solapur, Maharashtra. It lies on the border of Maharashtra and Karnatka.

8) Akole, Ahmed Nagar.

9) Visapur, Maharashtra

10) Essapur, Saharanpur district, Uttar Pradesh.

11) Shivrajpur, near Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh.

12) Dharwar, Karnatka State.

13) Nira Projects Settlement, a town of Maharashtra 80 km from Pune.

The old Commissioner Office record, now in possession of Sindh Archives Department, included a large number of files regarding Hur Movement, of which 350 were taken away by the federal government in 1970s to study and devise strategies for crushing the uprising in Balochistan. Unfortunately, these files never returned and are said to be in custody of National Documentation Center, Cabinet Division Islamabad. Currently only three files are found at Sindh Archives that pertain to the Hurs deported to concentration camps of Indian states.

Many of the Hurs were detained there since 1915 and even before it. One Jiando Wasan, the nephew of Piru Vizier, was deported in 1913.

The files contain correspondence between the Sindh and Bombay government officials. The record shows that the Hurs were detained at these camps since their deportation in early 20th century. The references in these official letters show that many of the Hurs were detained there since 1915 and even before it. One Jiando Wasan, the nephew of Piru Vizier, was deported in 1913. All the years the Sindh authorities and the Settlement Officers of Bombay Presidency exchanged letters discussing the conditional release of Hurs and transferring others from Sindh to concentration camps in Indian States.

In certain cases, the Sindh officials raised objections on release of Hurs from India and allowing them to return home.

In certain cases, the Sindh officials raised objections on release of Hurs from India and allowing them to return home or for lodging them again at concentration camps here. Some of the letters of Sindh authorities manifest their scare on release or transfer of 20 Hurs at a time from India to Sindh. It transpired from certain letters that in case of unrest among the Hurs, the authorities shifted ‘dangerous Hurs’ from one to other concentration camp in Indian states also. For example a group of Hurs was shifted to Visapur after unrest. Following letters manifest their scare.

District Superintendent of Police, Nawabshah R. T. Barker in a letter sent to District Magistrate Nawabshah on November 03, 1923, referring to latter’s letter dated October 30, 1923, stated: “All questions regarding the release of Hurs in Visapur to Sindh or out of such settlements be held up till it is clear what effect the recent and numerous releases will have on the conduct of the Hurs generally. It has come to my notice that Variyam, the son of the notorious Bachu (Bachu Badshah), who returned from Visapur this year and is in the Jalalani settlement, goes about, when on a pass, with a crowd of 40 to 50 Hurs like a person of great importance. This has, it is reported, caused a revival of the old spirit among the Hurs, and apprehensions among the Zamindars. Variyam was questioned, and denied taking a large party of Hurs with him but I believe the report.”

Same fears were expressed in a letter of District Superintendent of Police, Tharparkar, which was forwarded to Commissioner of Sindh by District Magistrate, Tharparkar in October 1923. The letter says: “It is too early, perhaps, to judge the effect on the Hurs of repatriation to Sindh of an increased number of their brethren from Visapur. The effect has not been, certainly, to calm the fears of those Zamindars who have loyally helped government against the Hurs – fears justified by the recent murders in Sanghar and Sinjhoro Talukas and the moral support given thereto by a large portion of the Hur community.” The District Magistrate also stated in the letter that there can be no relaxation for the present in the matter of deporting some of the worst Hurs annually to Visapur.

The District Superintendent of Police, Mirpur Khas also through a letter dated December 03, 1923, submitted to the authorities via District Magistrate, a list of Hurs of Sanghar recommending deporting them as according to him these Hurs were sheltering the absconders from Visapur and Sakrand and had been providing facilities for committing crimes. “I may mention here that during the current year 22 Hurs have been repatriated from Visapur to Sanghar. Along with these five, women and nine children were also repatriated. As a result of my efforts Suleman Wasan and Mitho Hingoro have been arrested. The remaining three Hurs are still at large and the police are on the lookout for them,” he informed.

Hardas Mal Uderno Mal, District Magistrate of Nawabshah also was afraid of Hurs. In a letter to Commissioner of Sindh on October 11, 1924, he writes: “It will not be advisable to freely issue passes to Hurs other than those whose repatriation is decided by the government. In a letter dated July 20, 1924 also I expressed my views on the general question of repatriation and I do not think any more Hurs need to be allowed to come home on passes except on urgent occasions of marriage or the like. The present rate of repatriation – 20 percent- is liberal enough for Hurs to prove themselves worthy of being allowed to return home.”

In June 1926, the District Superintendent of Police, Tharparkar submitted to District Magistrate and higher authorities a list of Hurs lodged in Nira Project camp classifying them in dangerous class whose repatriation should be delayed until the last and those of middle class. In that letter the police officer opined that the deported Hurs should be kept at Nira camp at least for five years.

In his comments submitted to Commissioner of Sindh through District Magistrate, the District Superintendent of Police, Nawabshah Mohammad Shah stated on November 14, 1929 that “It is not clear from the letter of the Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer as to how the Hurs after their release from the settlement (camp), will maintain themselves in the Bombay Presidency proper and will that prevent them from absconding and coming to Sindh. If they abscond and remain in hiding in Sindh, they will be much more dangerous than if they are repatriated to Sindh. If, however, it is not possible to detain them any longer in any of the settlements in the Presidency, it would be in my opinion preferable to repatriate them to Sindh at the rate of two or three a year.” The District Magistrate also endorsed DSP’s views. The Commissioner of Sindh had sought views of the district officials on release of Hurs on license vide letter dated October 10, 1929.

The authorities at district level in Sindh or even at Bombay Presidency had been showing such concerns and opposing repatriation and releasing temporarily of Hurs on passes.

The only safe conditions are full jail restrictions and if it is desired to keep the Hurs away from Sindh until they die.

The policy of British authorities regarding Hurs could more be judged from a letter of O. H. B. Starte, ICS, Criminal Tribes Settlement Officer of Bombay Presidency Bijapur written to Commissioner of Sindh on March 20, 1924. He says: “The only safe conditions are full jail restrictions and if it is desired to keep the Hurs away from Sindh until they die, and not run the risk of having them return as absconders, then they must be regularly interned in jails.” It appears from his letter that a group of Hurs were shifted from Nira Projects camp to Visapur camp.

Starte, who was appointed Inquiry Officer for Hur unrest at Nira Project Settlement (Concentration Camp), in his letter mentioned above stated that he was very much impressed by the intense longing for home on the part of the Hurs. “I remember Col. J. Jackson a former Inspector General of Prisons telling me how much he was impressed also by their feeling in this regard, and how necessary it was to give them some hope of a return, sooner or later to their native land. This is of course natural. They are surrounded by alien people; most of them cannot live a family life. If all hope of repatriation was abandoned I have little doubt that they would abscond. As those who return as absconders are much more dangerous than those who return by permission even in the interests of the districts, it is advisable to hold out to them some hope of repatriation. I would say frankly that no settlement condition and restrictions can keep them absolutely from absconding.”

He however advocated alternative policy of permitting a gradual repatriation of the Hurs now in the Nira Projects Settlement together with a policy of expatriating other Hurs to the settlement. He suggested that the repatriating Hurs should be told that they are being repatriated on probation and it would be cancelled in case of any lawlessness.

The officer was of the view that those Hurs who had been away from their country for six years cannot justly be held responsible for lawlessness of the remaining Hurs. “At the same time I admit that those Hurs who are to be repatriated should be carefully chosen with regard to the history prior to their deportation,” he stated saying that in many cases the reasons for deportation of Hurs are not clear as per records now in his possession. He suggested drawing up a confidential list dividing the Hurs lodged in Nira Project Settlement into three classes (a) The Hurs especially dangerous whose repatriation should be delayed until last. (b) Middle Class and (C) Not dangerous whose repatriation might be undertaken first.

Despite realizing the nature of problems of Hurs and soft corner to some extent, the British officer suggested that too many Hurs should not be repatriated and the 20 percent per annum rate of repatriation fixed by the government should be reduced. He called for taking good securities from the Hurs of Nira Project and other concentration camps before issuing them passes. “I think the deposits of Hurs amounting over Rs.18000 (earned by Hurs through labor at the concentration camp) now with me form a valuable lever in ensuring that they will not play any mischief while on pass,” he told Commissioner of Sindh.

A list of 61 Hurs was attached with the letter for confidential report on their character and cases. Their names, caste and home district are as follows:

Abu Bakar son of Valu Hingoro, Tharparkar; Ak son of Madatal Marri, Nawabshah; Alam son of Bahram Shar, Tharparkar; Alam son of Hundo Hingoro, Tharparkar; Alam son of Jani Jakhro, Nawabshah; Ali Shah son of Shershah Syed, Tharparkar; Allah Bux son of Kadu Hingoro, Tharparkar; Allanu son of Shadi Rajpar, Tharparkar; Allu son of Pariyo Mochi, Tharparkar; Alu son of Ismail Hajam, Nawabshah; Babu son of Nidar Khan Chang, Nawabshah; Bachal son of Ghallu Marri, Nawabshah; Bachal son of Piru Kiriyo, Tharparkar; Bachu Shah son of Jiwan Shah Syed, Nawabshah; Barocho son of Maluk Wasan, Nawabshah; Dhani Parto son of Allahyar Hingoro, Tharparkar; Fakiro Khan Kiriyo, Tharparkar; Ghulam Ali Khan Rind, Nawabshah; Hamal son of Alam Marri, Nawabshah; Imam Bux son of Saleh Behan, Tharparkar; Deen Muhammad Khan Nizamani, Tharparkar; Sono son of Gohram Chandiyo, Tharparkar; Jani Shah son of Wadal Shah Syed, Tharparkar; Karimdad son of Yatun Hingoro, Tharparkar; Name not readable son of Gul Mohammad Shar, Nawabshah; Name not readable son of Allahyar Hingoro, Tharparkar; Name not readable son of Kadu Hingoro, Tharparkar; Lala Khaskheli, Nawabshah; Name not readable, by caste Mangrio, Tharparkar; Mohammad son of Abdullah Mahar, Tharparkar; Manjhi son of Tindu Khaskheli, Nawabshah; Two names not readable, one of them Chang of Nawabshah; Mir Khan son of Madat Ali Marri, Nawabshah; Mitha son of Jada Pohar (It might be Panhwar), Tharparkar; Mitha son of Ghazi Khaskheli, Nawabshah; Mohammad Ali Nizamani, Tharparkar; Mohammad Ali son of Shahmir Kiriyo, Tharparkar; Murid son of Saleh Behan, Tharparkar; Niazo son of Mulla Kiriyo, Tharparkar; Obaya son of Allah Bux Hingoro, Tharparkar; Name not readable son of Doso Mochi, Nawabshah; Pindal son of Sabu Dahri, Nawabshah; Punoo son of Khamiso Aradin, Nawabshah; Bachayo Kiriyo, Tharparkar; Ranjho Mangriyo, Tharparkar; Name not readable son of Mulla Hingoro, Tharparkar; 14 names not readable. They belonged to Hingoro, Chang, Wasan, Dahri, Khaskheli, Talpur, Bhanejo, Junejo, Aradin, Kiriyo, Chaniyo and Syed communities of Tharparkar and Nawabshah.

There are a number of Hurs who have been in settlements in this presidency for very many years, and who according to our rules are qualified for discharge on license. Those who are on your ‘A’ list (Dangerous) I gather some cannot be permitted to return to Sindh for some years.

Starte, the same officer in another letter to Commissioner of Sindh on September 27, 1929, from Dharwar camp opposes repatriation of Hurs despite their exemplary conduct but suggests releasing them on license to live on their own in the limits of Bombay Presidency. He states: “There are a number of Hurs who have been in settlements in this presidency for very many years, and who according to our rules are qualified for discharge on license. Those who are on your ‘A’ list (Dangerous) I gather some cannot be permitted to return to Sindh for some years. The Hurs who would be released have been of exemplary conduct in the settlements, and I feel it is hard to detain them further. Their discharge on license to a place in the presidency proper would, I think, be safe.”

On January 02, 1931, Starte in yet another letter to the Commissioner of Sindh refers to a letter No:766-A-III, dated January 23, 1930 from the Commissioner of Sindh, and proposes to release on license the five Hurs of Dohad Settlement under Section 18 of the Criminal Tribes Act 1924 (VI of 1924) and allow them to reside at the Free Colony attached to Dohad Settlement as they had no convictions during the last ten years and no departmental punishment of a serious nature during last three years. According to him their character was reported to be satisfactory and they were earning their livelihood by honest means. The five Hurs were Mangan son of Layak of Tharparkar; Sanghar son of Medha of Nawabshah; Yaru Shah son of Layakdin Shah of Tharparkar; Nihalu son of    Duru of Tharparkar and Dhaniparto son of Allahyar of Tharparkar. During the period of their license to reside at Free Colony, they will be giving weekly roll call and taking passes.

The British authorities released some eight Hurs from Dohad Settlement of Panchmahal district under Section 18 of Criminal Tribes Act along with their dependents in 1932. They were allowed to go back to their villages in Sindh on license. Backward Class Officer of Dharwar, Bombay Presidency D. Symington informed Commissioner of Sindh in a letter dated April 01, 1932 regarding release of Hurs. The released Hurs are Lughoo son of Dawood of Togajo village, Taluka Sanghar, district Tharparkar; Shahu son of Dinu of Kumbhari village, Taluka Sanghar, district Tharparkar; Kamal son of Abjan of Phogawan village, Taluka Sanghar, district Tharparkar; Hassu son of Jiwan of Guladaki village, Taluka Sinjhoro, formerly of Nawabshah district; Khamisa son of Mira of Lutaka village, Taluka Sanghar, district Tharparkar; Mitha son of Walu of Toori village, Taluka Sanghar, district Tharparkar; Kamal son of Makhan of Gurang village, Taluka Sinjhoro, district Nawabshah and Sathi son of Sabu of Jadi village, Taluka Sinjhoro, district Nawabshah.

Earlier, in 1922, C. J. Butler, District Superintendent of Police, Nawabshah in a letter to the District Magistrate, Nawabshah had informed that he has no objection to the transfer of eight Hurs to Sindh namely Dadlo son of Jurio Nizamani, Jiando son of Sajan Wasan, Alim son of Bahram Shar, Jhuro son of Mangio Khaskheli, Lukman son of Ismail Shar, Suleman son of Ibrahim Khaskheli, Yaru Shah son of Laikdino Shah and Alu son of Pario Mochi. He informed that Jhuro and Lukman had already arrived at Mirpur Khas as per letter No: 1064 -H, dated September 26, 1922.

Butler also attached a list of 10 Hurs for transfer from Jalalani concentration camp, Sakrand, district Nawabshah to Visapur concentration camp. The names of Hurs are Imam Bux son of Kehar Khan Jamali of Lal Khan Jamali village, Shahdadpur, Kamal son of Makan Hajam of Khairpur State, Valu son of Bhuro Khaskheli of village Timuho, Sinjhoro, Wali Muhammad son of Mitho Sanjrani of Bero Marri village, Sinjhoro, Dilu son of Pario Kirrio of Dhaniparto Rajar village, Sanghar, Gundrio son of Hot Khaskheli of Waghoo Ji Bhit village, Sanghar, Gulan son of Juman Wasan of Tajo Wasan village, Sinjhoro, Mahomed son of Madad Ali Marri, Adul son of Mehar Wasan of Janib Dhoro, Sanghar and Sumar son of Sajan Machi of Sanghar.

(Continues)

Click here for Part-I

Click here for Part-II

__________________________

Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’ authored by Nasir Aijaz (Published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015)

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part III first appeared on Sindh Courier.

The history of British atrocities against the Hur community is as old as the conquest of Sindh by the former in 1843. As the Hurs were the only community considered to be a big threat to the colonial rule, the British started intimidating and victimizing them on one or the other pretext since beginning. And when the community people retaliated, the British authorities launched massive operation against them setting ablaze their homes, villages, crops and impounding the livestock, which was the only source of their livelihood. Since the Hur community people lived in small villages scattered in the area, they were made to abandon their ancestral villages and shift to bigger villages so that they could be put under strict vigil. The barbaric actions started especially when Lucas was posted as Collector of the Thar & Parkar district in 1895. Not only the villages were set on fire, but the Lucas ordered the people not to graze the cattle in Makhi Dhand (Lake) area. The British deployed two battalions of military in Sanghar and Tharparkar areas, which didn’t spare even the non-Hur population. It was the period when Bachu Badshah and Piru Vizier had waged war against alien rulers.

A scared child was crying and since his mother feared to be caught by the military, she put a piece of cloth in the child’s mouth. After sometime when she took the cloth out, the child had expired.

According to researchers, the merciless British military, led by Lucas, let the women and children burn alive in the homes during the operation and sprayed bullets on them when they tried to save their life. In one instance, when the villagers saw the military heading to their village, they took their women and children to escape to the jungle. The military set ablaze the entire village reducing it to ashes along with cattle and grain. Some of the Sepoys chased the villagers who took refuge in jungle. A scared child was crying and since his mother feared to be caught by the military, she put a piece of cloth in the child’s mouth. After sometime when she took the cloth out, the child had expired.

In another instance, the military besieged the Bhongar Marri village of Sanghar where they shot Bachu Marri, a lame person, in his leg, and then put him on a heap of firewood and set him on fire to die.

Another village – Kandero Wasan burnt by the military belonged to Syed Peeral Shah, Syed Muhsin Shah and Syed Imam Bux Shah (Uncle of Syed Mureed Shah who during the last phase of Hur Movement took part in killing Khairpur police Nazim Ghulam Rasool Shah, and was later arrested and hanged in Sukkur jail). When the village was set on fire, no male member of Syed family was present there. The women and the children couldn’t escape and died. In all nine persons burnt alive including wives of Syed Ali Shah, Syed Muhsin Shah, Syed Peeral Shah, mother of Syed Pinjal Shah and children, according to Syed Imam Bux Shah, son of Syed Muhsin Shah, who expired at the age of 110 years.

One Ameer Fakir Wasan used to live in his home at some distance south of Kandero Wasan village. The military surrounded the house after a few days and put the house on fire when only the female members and a lame person Misri were there. The panicked women and children rushed out of home but the lame person’s life was saved by a person of Raotiani village, who in fact was the informer of military. The military officer and Sepoys then mounted on horses and left the area laughing at the helpless women and children.

The British forces also reduced to ashes entire villages of Chotiyrion Sharif, Wadhan Jo Goth of Abupota clan, Khehor Goth of Bhanbhro community located at Mirpur Khas Road, houses of Auladi Fakir Mugheripoto near Raotiani, Bharri village and several other villages. When the Wadhan Jo Goth was set ablaze, a woman was coming back after buying ration from Sanghar. When she saw flames, she rushed to village where the villagers were crying looking at their abodes reducing to ashes. The woman ran to her family members putting the ration at one side but the military burnt that ration too.

There are hundreds of stories of British tyranny perpetrated on Hur and non-Hur communities during 107 years of their rule in Sindh, which they had turned into battlefield.

“The Hurs had staged peaceful demonstrations when the British took Pir Sibghatullah Shah-II to Karachi and formally arrested him. But since the foreign rulers wanted to crush the ‘Hur Jama’at’, they launched oppressive actions against them and in result the entire area from Sukkur to Sanghar, Saeedabad to Khadro, Hathoongo to Shahdadpur and from Jaisalmir to Chotiyarion turned into battlefield,” Wali Dad Wali, who served in British Army, writes in his memoirs. “On one hand, the British Army set ablaze the villages of Hur community and shot dead scores of innocent people, and on the other, the Hurs, in retaliation, eliminated the informers of government, derailed the trains and set ablaze police and military vehicles plunging them in trenches dug especially for the purpose under guerrilla war tactics,” he recalls.

Thousands of men from Brohi, Baloch and other tribes were recruited from Jacobabad, Gandawa, Noshki and Hazara. They were imparted extensive training for three months how to fight in desert, hilly areas and jungles.

Wali Dad Wali, who joined Sindh Police Rangers (Rifles) as Quarter Master in May 1942, writes that this paramilitary force, headed by Commanding Officer Col. H. P. Thomas, was raised to crush the Hurs. “Thousands of men from Brohi, Baloch and other tribes were recruited from Jacobabad, Gandawa, Noshki and Hazara. They were imparted extensive training for three months how to fight in desert, hilly areas and jungles.”

“The new force was dispatched to Sinjhoro in July where the Punjab Regiment was already stationed. The military and policemen were seen everywhere in the town. I met a shopkeeper Muhammad Salih, who told that police have made miserable the life of innocent people, as they declare any person as ‘Hur’, who does not bribe them, and by this act a large number of non-Hur people have been arrested,” he writes.

“On 25th July, two peasants were arrested and sentenced to three year imprisonment without trial by court martial on a fake complaint of robbery by a Hindu. The fact was that the Hindu, doing the business of moneylending, had demanded returning full amount (Rs.200) they owed to him, but since they were poor and couldn’t pay, he lodged fake complaint of robbery at Company Commander’s office.

At least two to four military courts, consisting of four Army officers, were established in each taluka, where all kinds of cases including that of theft were tried with no right of engaging any defence counsel, and calling the defence witness.

“On 4th January 1943, we were ordered to proceed to Makhi forest. When we took a road leading to Sanghar from Shahdadpur, we saw the horrifying scenes of destruction – the burnt villages, trees and the crops reduced to ashes. No person could be seen anywhere. All the area gave a desert look,” Wali Dad says.

I myself saw four Pathan Sepoys abusing and hitting ten young women who were going to bring water from a nearby pond. Some of the women looked hailing from well off families from the clothes they wore.

Writing about his memoirs about a concentration camp in Jhol, he says: “The camp with barbed wires all around it existed near Military’s Motor Transport Workshop. The old and young women, children were lodged in the camp guarded by the Pathan Sepoys. The women told me that the British Army destroyed their villages, killed and arrested their men and confined the women and children in this camp.” “I myself saw four Pathan Sepoys abusing and hitting ten young women who were going to bring water from a nearby pond. Some of the women looked hailing from well off families from the clothes they wore.”

A Zamindar of Tharparkar was also lodged in a small room near the post office. “I am disciple of Pir Sahib but am not indulged in any violence, but even then they have lodged me here,” he told Wali Dad.

“I then visited the Gurang bungalow near Sanghar, where the entire residential buildings were destroyed in bombardment. The forces had also set all the buildings on fire.”

Wali Dad Wali gave details of British force used in operation against the Hurs as under:

Airforce: 12 Squadron, 24 planes, 150 men

Infantry: 3 Divisions, 60, 000 Sepoys. Headquarter Hyderabad and Sukkur

Motor Transport Section: 600 Vehicles. Headquarter Shahdadpur and Keti.

Horse and Camel-mounted Army: 2400. Headquarter Jamrao Head and Hathongo

First time, the British Army used the parachutes in subcontinent by sending Gurkha battalion to the Makhi Dhand area to destroy the hideouts of Hurs. In the meantime, Kohat Brigade set the villages and houses falling on the way on fire.

Retired Major General Wasal Muhammad Khan, who was posted as senior Intelligence Officer of the force in Sindh in June 1942, in his articles published in Sindh Quarterly and in his autobiography states that their General Officer Commanding was F. S. Young, who was notorious criminal of England, and the British government had failed to arrest him. He was granted amnesty by the King Emperor on the condition that he would help the government crush the ‘dacoits’ in India.

“First time, the British Army used the parachutes in subcontinent by sending Gurkha battalion to the Makhi Dhand area to destroy the hideouts of Hurs. In the meantime, Kohat Brigade set the villages and houses falling on the way on fire. This created panic among the people while the Hurs launched attacks on villages to eliminate the informers. The Hurs termed those people ‘traitors’.

In the meantime, British airforce launched air attacks on villages with fire bombs and sprayed bullets with machine guns on the Hurs found anywhere in open area. The people wandering for water from one well to other were also targeted by the machine guns. It was the same time when Hyderabad Brigade was ordered to destroy Pir Kot in Pir Jo Goth to create panic.

“The actions were taken under a well-planned strategy aimed to defame the Pir with propaganda; infuriate the Ghazis to come out of hideouts and take revenge by launching retaliatory actions, and the British forces could eliminate them,” Wasal Muhammad Khan writes.

“There were a mosque and seminary inside the Pir Kot, therefore some portion of palace was demolished first with the help of labourers to avoid any damage to the mosque, and then the palace was blown up with dynamites,” he says.

Fakir Muhammad Suleman Wasan of village Bachal Wasan, near Sanghar, also recalled the British atrocities in an interview. “Thousands of Dogras, Gurkhas, Sikhs and Pathans were deployed in Sanghar district, especially in Makhi Forest area and around Gurang bungalow. They set ablaze entire villages, arrested and killed innocent villagers who took refuge in jungle due to panic created by the forces. They even burnt the grain stocks of villagers and took away the Jand (stone-made traditional wheat grinding apparatus) so that the villagers couldn’t use them. In certain cases the Jands were thrown in the wells. When the British forces set our village on fire, a villager tried to save a wheat bag but the Sepoys snatched and threw it in the fire. As the villagers had no food left to eat, we used to collect burnt grain and put it in water making it eatable.”

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A chapter from the book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’, authored by Nasir Aijaz and published by Sindh Culture Department

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Aftab Nabi, former Inspector General of Sindh Police, in his book ‘Policing Insurgency: The Hurs of Sindh’ writes on colonial repressive techniques applied against the sympathizers of Hur Movement during British Raj

The book, the collection of eleven research papers, examines the policing and administrative strategies of the colonial government of Sindh in response to the Hur Movement’s two phases – one of 1890s and the other of 1940s. “An effort has been made to assess the concept of British justice, as meted out to Pir Sibghatullah Shah, the Pir Pagaro, in the context of a situation when the government was under pressure, both from internal and from external forces during the Second World War,” writes the author of the book published by Soreh Badshah Study Circle.

Dedicated to all courageous women and the children of the Hur Movement who suffered and survived the colonial brutality,  the book uncovers many incidents of brutality buried so far in the archival record of British era or are mentioned in certain books written by British officers of that time, hardly available here.

The subject matter has been dealt in three segments in the book. First parts deals with the policing of the Hur insurgency; the second covers the Martial Law, and the third section is summary of events and developments from 1944 to 1954.

Aftab Nabi writes about Edward Cox (Later, Sir Edmund Cox), who became first Deputy Inspector General of Police in Sindh after 1900, and wrote six books, fiction and non-fiction, some pertaining to policing of Sindh and the Bombay Presidency. “Edward Cox toured villages in the Hur areas to put ‘the fear of God’ and of British Raj into the sympathizers of the movement. A very large number of arrests were made and punitive police was located on the villages, the cost being met by the villagers,” he shares.

Quoting another incident of brutality, Aftab Nabi writes, “In Hyderabad district, at one stage the residents had been fined 250000 rupees, a blatantly enormous amount at that time. In addition, a landlord had to pay an amount equal to the assessment on land revenue paid by him.”

Three infantry companies and a squadron of cavalry were inducted but their presence did not restore law and order.

About other actions taken by the colonial authorities, the book quotes Edward Cox:

‘intimidating action was taken against the leading Hurs, lists were compiled of active and known sympathizers, gun licenses and exemptions from the Arms Act were revoked and lands were attached. Even the announcements were made that canal water would be withheld till the trouble was over.’

The book reveals that Edward Cox has confessed that a ‘great deal more was done in subduing these malefactors than was ever placed on record’, and also that ‘it was no use to be squeamish about methods in running them to earth.’

The book also contains the account how the Baloch Regiment and the Bugtis were used to crush the uprising and killing of Piru Wazir and other Hurs in Makhi area and how several Hurs were hanged in Tharparkar.

The Soreh Badshah Study Circle (SBSC) published this book in 2020, as part of its efforts to decolonize the history by bringing forth the research work on Hur Movement. The SBSC had earlier published compilation of research-based article of Aftab Nabi in book form. Those articles were published in English daily Dawn in 1990s.

Aftab Nabi, who did M.A. in economics from Karachi University in 1967, L. L. B in 1982 from Sindh University, M.Sc. in Defence and Strategic Studies from Quaid-e-Azam University (via National Defence College) Islamabad in 1994 and M. Phil in Criminology from the University of Cambridge U.K in 1995-96, is currently registered for Ph.D. at the University of London. His thesis will be on the ‘Criminological Consequences Due to the Application of the 1871 Criminal Tribes Act on the Hurs of Sindh – 1900 to 1952.’

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Sindh Courier   

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Chotiari Dam is a neglected tourist resort of Sindh located in Sanghar district, which is deemed as a wonderland of Sindh having a unique ecosystem consisting of six natural lakes namely Akanwari, Tajar, Phuleli, Seri, Sao Naro and Baqar lake. This beautiful place rich in natural beauty is devoid of all the basic facilities.

Public Opinion

Allah Almighty has bestowed Sindh with natural beauty and lots of attractive places. Nature is beautiful and is said to have been a cure to man’s several mental and physical agonies. Besides being a source of pleasure for the people, such places, replete with natural beauty are the great source of income for the government. However, the Sindh government has neglected such places including the Chotiari Dam, situated in district Sanghar, which is deemed as a wonderland of Sindh. It has a unique ecosystem consisting of six natural lakes namely Akanwari ,Tajar, Phuleli, Seri, Sao Naro and Baqar lake.

The Chotiari Dam is the place where the people of the country in general and Sindh province in particular can visit and have pleasure by viewing natural things.

When we visited the Chotiari Dam, we found no facilities provided there so that the families could visit and enjoy the place. We found a guest house built there by the government but in neglected condition. I came across the local people living in the surrounding of the dam, who told that even they were not provided with any basic facilities. There was no road maintained, no electricity; no school for the children, no gas facility and no healthcare center available to the people. The people living there are not acquainted with modern facilities. They depend on fishing. Workshop, Mangoli and other villages are there, whose inhabitants were unaware of the basic facilities of life.

The resort is operated by Sindh Tourism Development Corporation. The guest house was established in 2017 by Sindh Culture, Tourism & Antiquities Department, under a development scheme of 2016-17 fiscal year however after completion, it was handed over to Sindh Tourism Development Corporation in 2017.

The Chotiari Dam has various tourist attraction points. Historical Makhi forest, where the Hurs had established their base against British Raj in Sindh was also situated at the bank of Baqar Lake.

It seems that the concerned department of Sindh government has abandoned promoting tourism in the province. It is the fundamental responsibility of the government to promote recreation places, which will be the natural source of pleasure for the people of Sindh as well as the foreign tourists.

The road leading to Chotiari Dam was in dilapidated condition. Sindh government must pay attention to the construction of roads leading to the dam, and also develop the resort by establishing rest houses, shops, parks and providing other basic facilities so that people could make the most of benefit from the natural place bestowed by Allah. A vast barren land was found in the surroundings of dam, where some measures should be taken for plantation so that greenery could be promoted. Migratory birds from Siberia also use to visit this area in cold weather adding the beauty to the area but the Sindh government has disregarded all these things.

If the government develops this place as tourist resort, it can bring prosperity to the people of the area. A good number of people can also be provided with jobs if the Sindh government takes an initiative to flourish the tourism in the province.

Fawad Hussain Samo

Hyderabad, Sindh

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