Uzair

I wish to highlight a matter of great national importance: the longstanding issue of constitutional rights for the people of Gilgit-Baltistan (GB). For more than seven decades, the people of GB have remained loyal, patriotic, and dedicated to the progress of Pakistan. Despite their unwavering commitment, they continue to live without full constitutional recognition, which has created a sense of political uncertainty and inequality.

Gilgit-Baltistan is a region of vast strategic significance. It is rich in natural resources, home to diverse cultures, and serves as the gateway to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Despite these major contributions, the region has no representation in the National Assembly or Senate, leaving its residents without a voice in the highest decision-making forums of the country. This lack of representation affects development planning, governance, and the implementation of national policies.

Moreover, the unclear legal status of GB causes challenges in the judicial system and administrative affairs. Students, professionals, and ordinary citizens face difficulties that other provinces do not experience, creating a sense of exclusion from the national mainstream.

It is therefore essential that the federal government urgently address this issue. Granting constitutional rights and full parliamentary representation will not only strengthen democracy but also ensure justice and equality. This step will empower the youth, promote development, and reinforce national unity.

I sincerely hope that the authorities will take immediate and meaningful action to fulfill the rightful demands of the people of Gilgit-Baltistan.

Read: High Peaks, Dwindling Climber Arrivals

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Uzair is a Law Student, hailing from Village Dalnati, Tehsil Punial, District Ghizer, Gilgit-Baltistan

The post Constitutional Rights of Gilgit Baltistan first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Sawera Nadeem

Karachi, Pakistan’s largest city and its economic backbone, has increasingly been trapped in the vicious cycle of rising crime, leaving its citizens in fear and despair. For decades, the metropolis has suffered from lawlessness, but in recent years, the surge in street crimes, robberies, and violent encounters has reached alarming levels. Every other day, reports emerge of ordinary citizens being deprived of their hard-earned belongings, vehicles, mobile phones, and even their lives, yet the system seems to turn a blind eye. What was once considered isolated incidents of theft has now transformed into a full-blown epidemic of unchecked crime, where Karachiites feel abandoned by the very state institutions that were meant to safeguard them. The people of this city have learned to live in caution, avoiding certain areas after dusk, keeping minimal valuables on them, and instructing children not to resist if confronted by armed men. This is not the life they deserve, but unfortunately, this has become the norm.

The most horrifying aspect of this crisis is the casualness with which robbers now operate. Armed criminals roam around neighborhoods, business hubs, and residential areas without fear of being caught or punished. They know that the chance of being arrested is slim and the probability of being convicted even slimmer. From students walking home after tuition classes to families returning from social gatherings, no one is spared. What makes matters worse is that these criminals often kill victims for resisting even slightly or sometimes for no apparent reason at all. The rising death toll caused by street crime in Karachi speaks volumes about how deadly this menace has become. Mobile snatching, once seen as petty crime, has become a matter of life and death. People are not only losing their valuables but also their lives. Mothers are grieving their sons, children are losing fathers, and families are being shattered, yet the authorities continue with mere lip service and hollow promises.

It is not that the citizens have remained silent. From local community protests to social media campaigns, Karachiites have consistently raised their voices about the deteriorating law and order. The grievances are the same: robberies at traffic signals, break-ins in broad daylight, kidnappings for ransom, car lifting, and organized gangs operating without interruption. Each cry for help is met with temporary measures, token arrests, or half-hearted crackdowns that fizzle out within days. Police operations are announced, statistics are shared, and officials give interviews claiming improvements, but the lived reality of people contradicts those claims. Ordinary men and women navigating the streets know that at any corner, a motorbike carrying two armed men could stop them and strip them of everything within minutes.

The lack of accountability in law enforcement agencies only fuels the criminals’ confidence. Many residents complain that reporting crimes is a waste of time because First Information Reports (FIRs) are often not registered properly, investigations are half-baked, and victims are forced to make multiple rounds of police stations for no progress. Corruption within the system further emboldens criminals, who know they can buy their way out if caught. In some cases, suspicions arise that elements within law enforcement themselves collaborate with these gangs or at the very least turn a blind eye. When those tasked with providing safety become indifferent or complicit, how can a city hope for relief?

This lawlessness has a direct impact on the psychological well-being of Karachiites. Fear has become a constant companion. Parents worry about their children attending schools, young professionals dread commuting late, and women especially feel unsafe in public spaces. Businesses too suffer as customers avoid staying out late, shopkeepers close earlier than usual, and investors shy away from a city that cannot even guarantee basic safety. The economic cost of crime is immense, reducing productivity and damaging Karachi’s reputation as a commercial hub. The very lifeline of Pakistan’s economy is choking under crime, yet policymakers in power fail to acknowledge the urgency of the situation.

Comparisons are often drawn with other major cities in the world where crime is met with strong, systematic responses. In Karachi, however, crime is often brushed aside as an unfortunate but normal part of life. This normalization is the most dangerous part because once society accepts lawlessness as inevitable, criminals gain more power. Citizens are told to be cautious, to avoid resisting, to stay alert, but rarely are criminals told to fear the law. In other nations, justice systems are designed to deter criminals; in Karachi, the failure of justice encourages them.

The role of the provincial and federal governments in this matter cannot be ignored. They have frequently claimed improvements in law and order, pointing to high-profile operations in the past that reduced certain forms of crime like extortion or gang wars. But the shift of crime patterns towards street-level robberies shows that criminal networks have only adapted, not disappeared. A vacuum exists in governance, where political priorities revolve around power struggles, development projects for optics, or hollow slogans, while the fundamental issue of citizen safety is neglected. The people of Karachi are left to fend for themselves. Even when murders occur during robberies, officials quickly move on, as if the blood spilled on the streets is of no consequence.

It is heartbreaking to see that instead of creating policies rooted in justice, transparency, and efficiency, the government tends to make promises during every wave of crime and then step back into silence once the media focus shifts elsewhere. There have been countless announcements of increasing patrolling, installing CCTV cameras, creating emergency helplines, and forming special crime units, but very little changes on the ground. The criminals evolve faster than the authorities, and the citizens remain trapped in the middle. Each robbery that goes unpunished encourages another, creating a vicious cycle.

The question arises: why does Karachi, a city of over 20 million people, continue to suffer without real solutions? The answer lies in the combination of political neglect, weak policing, absence of judicial reform, and lack of social development. Poverty and unemployment drive many young men into crime, and without rehabilitation or economic opportunities, this cycle repeats generation after generation. While this does not excuse criminal behavior, it does show how systemic failures feed into the city’s misery. A holistic approach is needed—one that not only strengthens policing but also addresses the root causes of why crime thrives. Yet, such comprehensive efforts remain absent, replaced instead by quick fixes and short-term measures.

Meanwhile, the toll continues to rise. Families grieve loved ones lost to senseless violence, survivors live with trauma, and Karachi’s identity as a resilient city is pushed to its breaking point. The resilience of its people is admirable, but resilience should not mean enduring endless brutality. Citizens deserve dignity, safety, and peace of mind. A government that cannot protect its people has failed in its most basic responsibility. It is a bitter reality that Karachiites have been forced to internalize—that they must survive despite the system, not because of it.

The ongoing crisis is not just about rising robbery rates; it reflects a collapse of governance. When criminals hold more power than citizens, when fear dictates daily life, and when people have no trust in institutions meant to serve them, then the very foundation of society begins to erode. Karachi’s rising crime is not only a threat to individuals but to the social fabric of the city itself. If left unchecked, the consequences will extend beyond personal losses, undermining the very stability of the country’s economic hub.

It is time for those in power to recognize the severity of this crisis. Citizens should not have to mourn loved ones lost to robberies or live in constant paranoia. Concrete action is required, and it must go beyond rhetoric. There must be accountability in policing, investment in surveillance and intelligence, speedy trials for criminals, and a political will to prioritize safety over everything else. Until that happens, Karachi will continue to bleed, and its people will continue to suffer silently in the shadows of a state that abandoned them.

The city cries out every day for justice, but silence answers back. The question is how much longer Karachiites can endure this brutality before their patience runs out. A city that gives so much to Pakistan deserves to be protected. To ignore this reality is to accept a future where crime becomes permanent and hope becomes extinct.

Read: Rainfall Unmasks Deep Corruption Currents

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Sawera Nadeem, based in Karachi, is a Mass Communication student with a passion for research-based writing.  She focuses on topics that highlight public interest and social impact.

The post The Rising Crime Epidemic in Karachi first appeared on Sindh Courier.

• Life here is not lived — it is merely survived. Men are kidnapped. Families are extorted
• Sindh has become an open-air prison, where criminal networks rule, and fear is the only constant currency.

By Abdullah Usman Morai | Sweden

A Land Left Behind

In the northern belt of Sindh — particularly Kashmore-Kandhkot, Ghotki, and adjoining regions — the word “peace” has become a memory, and “justice” an unreachable dream. Life here is not lived — it is merely survived. Men are kidnapped. Families are extorted. The poor are lured into death traps disguised as deals. And no one—not the government, not the law, not the state—is truly present to help.

In a country that proudly claims to be a democracy, this part of Sindh has become an open-air prison, where criminal networks rule, and fear is the only constant currency. There are whispers in the wind: “Kashmore-Kandhkot is not part of Pakistan anymore, it’s a jungle — survive if you can.”

Where are the forces? Where is the action? If the state could confront heavily armed militants in distant tribal mountains, why can’t it challenge criminals in the plains and riverbanks of Sindh?

The people are watching. They are hurting. They are losing hope. And still, they wait — with prayers in their hearts — for someone in power to finally care.

The Machinery of Fear: How Crime Rules North Sindh

Crime in North Sindh is no longer random — it is systematic, well-networked, and disturbingly normalized.

The tactics are horrifying:

• Fake phone calls are made using a woman’s voice to lure men into trap zones.
• Social media groups offering unrealistically cheap motorcycles, mobile phones, or electronics.
• Messages promising job opportunities or romantic meetings.
• Victims are told to come to a certain place, and then, they vanish.

What follows is trauma. Ransom calls. Threats. And in many cases, death.

Some are beaten. Some are tortured. Many are killed when families fail to pay. The criminals are not hiding — they operate confidently, as if they know no one will stop them.

But it doesn’t end there. These criminals have now taken their cruelty online. They shamelessly post videos of victims in their custody — including children and women — on social media platforms. These videos are meant to terrorize families, provoke payments, and humiliate the victims publicly. And still, these accounts stay active, and these crimes remain unpunished.

This isn’t just a crime. It’s psychological warfare against the poorest people of a forgotten region.

A Government That Watches, But Doesn’t Act

The people of Sindh vote. They pay taxes. They raise the national flag every August. And yet, when their children are taken, or their husbands don’t return from work, they are told, “We can’t go into that area — it’s dangerous.”

Dangerous for whom?

Isn’t it the duty of the state to bring safety? What is a government for, if not to protect its people from such evil?

There are police stations in name, but not in spirit. There are officials in offices, but not in the field. There are statements on paper, but not a single genuine operation on the ground.

And all this while criminals roam with guns, exploit technology, and mock the helpless.

The state must answer: Are we still a nation, or just an uneven map of suffering and indifference?

Traps and Tricks: How Innocents Are Caught

The cleverness of these criminal gangs is rooted in society’s desperation.

People in Sindh, like elsewhere in Pakistan, dream of small comforts — a better phone, a cheap motorcycle, a used car to support a family. When these things are advertised at lower-than-market prices, people fall for them. They respond. They call. They try to arrange a meeting.

But instead of trade, they find terror.

Some are trapped through love-bait. Others are trapped through false employment promises. And once they cross into the crime-ridden zones of Kashmore-Kandhkot or Ghotki, they are swallowed into silence.

It is not stupidity — it is poverty, trust, and hope that these criminals exploit.

And all the while, the people wonder: Where is the state? Why aren’t the forces acting?

If Forces Can Handle Fanatics, Why Not These Criminals?

In recent years, this country’s forces have shown bravery and capacity in dealing with extremist networks in harsh, mountainous tribal regions. Complex operations have been conducted. High-value targets were neutralized. Entire militant hubs were dismantled.

Then why, with all this capability, can’t the same be done in North Sindh?

These criminals are not invisible. They are not hidden in caves. They live in katcha lands, by the river, among forests and fields. They are known. People speak their names. Their hideouts are whispered about in tea shops.

If a state can mobilize for security in Swat or Waziristan, what excuse is there to ignore Kashmore – Kandhkot or Ghotki?

Is it because these people are poor? Is it because their votes are taken for granted? Or is there a darker agenda — a desire to let the people suffer until they migrate?

The Cost of Fear: A Dying Region

This isn’t just about individual cases of kidnapping. The social fabric of North Sindh is being torn apart.

• Schools are emptying out. Parents are too scared to let children travel.
• Markets are shrinking. Trade is dying because no outsider wants to risk entry.
• Migration is accelerating. Entire families are fleeing to other districts, not for better jobs, but for safety.

What’s left behind is trauma, abandoned fields, and echoes of prayers unanswered.

The psychological impact is immense. People don’t trust strangers. They hesitate before answering phone calls. Communities live in paranoia. Fear has become a culture, and that is the greatest defeat of any state.

Basic Questions, No Answers

Let’s ask the questions any responsible state should be asking itself:

• Why are there still no dedicated special operations to clear out crime zones?
• Why are complaints ignored or laughed off by local authorities?
• Why haven’t emergency protection measures been implemented for transport, mobile networks, or trade routes?
• Why is there no real-time tracking of ransom phone numbers?
• Why are criminals allowed to post horrifying videos online and still go untouched?
• Why is the media so quiet about this? Is it because these stories don’t trend or sell?

And most critically:

Why is peace not being treated as a human right for the people of North Sindh?

Silence is Complicity

There’s a silence — an intentional silence — among those who have power.

Those in Karachi’s air-conditioned offices. Those in Islamabad’s policy rooms. Those in control of law, politics, and budgets.

They speak when a city suffers. They cry when a viral video makes it to Twitter. But they turn their heads when North Sindh bleeds.

Silence in the face of suffering is not neutrality — it is betrayal.

The people in Ghotki and Kandhkot- Kashmore are not just numbers on a map. They are citizens. Humans. Families. Children. They laugh like us, they cry like us. Their blood is red like ours.

They are not “too far” to matter. They are not “too rural” to count.

What the People Ask: Peace, Not Pity

The residents of North Sindh are not begging for charity. They are not asking for luxuries. They want what every citizen deserves — peace and justice.

If the forces take this seriously and act to clear these criminal networks, the people will bless them with every prayer they have left.

The child whose father returns home alive.

The mother who no longer jumps at every phone call.

The student who walks to school without fear.

These are the silent dreams waiting to be fulfilled.

Whoever brings peace to this region will not only restore order, they will restore faith in the idea of the country.

Time to Wake Up: The Shame of Inaction

Let this be a national reminder: Any state that cannot protect its most vulnerable is already defeated.

It doesn’t matter how many flags we wave or songs we sing. If entire regions are surrendered to crime, then the anthem becomes hollow.

Sindh has given this country its thinkers, poets, farmers, and soldiers. It has given its votes, its resources, and its loyalty.

Is this the return it deserves?

A Moral and Strategic Call: 10 Actions Now

1. Immediate clearance operations by dedicated law enforcement units in known crime zones.
2. Satellite surveillance and mapping of katcha areas.
3. Complete shutdown of mobile networks used for ransom calls within specific geo-fences.
4. Installation of security checkpoints and ID verification on roads leading to crime hotspots.
5. Public awareness campaigns on fake ads and calls.
6. Creation of a North Sindh Peace and Protection Authority for emergency coordination.
7. Whistleblower protections for citizens who expose criminals.
8. Zero tolerance policy for any local official who cooperates with or protects criminals.
9. Psychological trauma centers for victims and families.
10. Monthly public progress reports on arrests, rescues, and reforms.

A Final Plea for Action

North Sindh doesn’t need your sympathy. It needs your action. It doesn’t need statements — it needs justice. It doesn’t want charity — it wants peace.

Let the forces rise as they have before — not for media optics, not for temporary applause — but for the people whose lives are waiting to begin again.

And when they do — when peace returns, when justice breathes again in Kandhkot, Kashmore, and Ghotki — the people will not forget. Their gratitude will echo louder than any applause.

To those in charge: this is your moment. Either lead with courage or admit your failure. But know this —

The land may forget your name, but the people will remember your silence.

Read: Feudalism Must Fall

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Abdullah Soomro, penname Abdullah Usman Morai, hailing from Moro town of Sindh, province of Pakistan, is based in Stockholm Sweden. Currently he is working as Groundwater Engineer in Stockholm Sweden. He did BE (Agriculture) from Sindh Agriculture University Tando Jam and MSc water systems technology from KTH Stockholm Sweden as well as MSc Management from Stockholm University. Beside this he also did masters in journalism and economics from Shah Abdul Latif University Khairpur Mirs, Sindh. He is author of a travelogue book named ‘Musafatoon’. His second book is in process. He writes articles from time to time. A frequent traveler, he also does podcast on YouTube with channel name: VASJE Podcast.

The post Crime: The Cry of North Sindh first appeared on Sindh Courier.

It is a heartbreaking reminder of the deep suffering and helplessness that are engulfing the people of Sindh

By Nasir Aijaz

Karachi, Sindh

In recent days, the tragic story from the village of Bijarani Laghari near Moro town in Sindh has struck a nerve across the region. It is a heartbreaking reminder of the deep suffering and helplessness that are engulfing the people of Sindh. A young woman named Fazila Laghari, only twenty years old, took her own life along with her ailing 2-year-old daughter by drowning herself in the Indus River. Her story is not just a solitary incident but a reflection of a growing crisis rooted in poverty and social injustice.

Fazila’s life was filled with dreams that many mothers cherish — a loving home, hope for her daughter’s future, and aspirations to see her grow into a responsible member of society. Yet, poverty and helplessness overwhelmed her. Unable to afford her daughter’s medical treatment, she saw no way out of her desperation and chose to end her life in the most tragic manner. Her death signifies the shattered dreams of a young mother and the silent suffering of countless others across Sindh. Every tear shed for her echoes the pain of families torn apart by despair, and every question that arises—why did this happen?—points to an underlying systemic failure.

Beyond her personal tragedy lies the broader story of social upheaval. The ongoing fight for the protection of the Indus River and the resistance against corporate farming encroachment have turned into larger struggles for survival. Towns like Moro have witnessed brave youth protesting against land grabs by military-backed corporate companies. These protests, peaceful and determined, were met with brutal force—police firing into crowds, martyring two young men, Irfan Laghari and Zaid Laghari, and injuring dozens, including some who lost limbs. Despite the protests being peaceful, government authorities responded with false charges of terrorism against nearly a hundred activists, many detained on baseless accusations. These protests were about the very survival of their land and their future, yet they were met with violence and repression.

Fazila was helpless, as her husband had also been arrested a month and a half ago due to his involvement in a protest incident that occurred in Moro.

The question that arises again and again is: why these extreme measures? Why were the protesters accused of damaging the home of the Provincial Home Minister’s family during their protests? Why police protection was absent? The truth remains elusive, clouded by allegations of orchestrated plans by powerful local families. No concrete evidence has come to light. The silence from the government and the lack of transparency only deepens the suspicion that these are not isolated incidents but part of a larger pattern of suppression to serve vested interests.

The oppressive atmosphere stretches beyond protests. Homes are being demolished, shops razed, and even solar systems destroyed—evoking a climate of fear and brutality unseen in the recent history of Sindh. The people, already crushed under the burden of poverty, are pushed further into despair. Their suffering is especially acute in vulnerable regions like Tharparkar, where poverty confronts them daily. The district has witnessed a tragic rise in suicides, with around 700 people—most of them Hindus—taking their own lives over the past five years. In 2024 alone, 146 Tharis ended their lives, including over seventy women. The numbers for this year are equally alarming.

This silent epidemic of suicides reveals how deep and pervasive the despair has become. Poverty, lack of basic health and education facilities, environmental destruction, and political repression have created a perfect storm of agony for the people of Sindh. Their collective cry for help, their demand for justice, has been drowned out in a deluge of repression and apathy.

The stories coming from different districts of Sindh are not just about individual tragedies but about a society in crisis. The oppression inflicted under the guise of law and order, the destruction of livelihoods, and the neglect of the marginalized have left an indelible mark of misery. The purpose of this narrative is not just to highlight these injustices but to serve as a call—an urgent appeal to humanity and justice. Sindh is crying out for help, for accountability, and for a future where hope can be restored. If this silence continues, more young lives will be lost, and the wounds of Sindh will deepen, leaving a scar on its soul that may never heal.

May this be a wake-up call—before more lives are claimed by despair and oppression. Sindh needs justice, dignity, and, most of all, hope.

Read – Shielded by Power: Impunity of Pakistan’s Elite

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The writer is a senior journalist based in Karachi. He can be accessed at nasir.akhund1954@gmail.com

Courtesy: The AsiaN, Seoul, South Korea 

The post Opinion: The Silent Cry of Sindh first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Dr. Muhammad Mataro Hingorjo | Ireland

Imagine a group of people who claim ancient and sacred ties to a land based on religious stories or mythology. Suppose they demand the right to take back that land today, pushing out the people who currently live there, simply because of those old connections. Would that claim be fair or just? Would the international community accept such a demand as legitimate?

This analogy helps us understand the tragic reality faced by Palestinians since 1948, when the state of Israel was created through violence and the forced removal of hundreds of thousands of indigenous Palestinians—a catastrophe known as the Nakba. Palestinians have lived on that land for centuries, and their connection to it is real and ongoing.

Yet, much of the world accepts Israel’s legitimacy—not because its founding was just, but because global powers protect their own interests. Ancient religious narratives are sometimes used selectively to justify land claims, while similar claims by others are dismissed. This reveals a dangerous double standard, where might and politics determine justice.

The international community should not support claims to land based solely on myths or the duration of an occupation. A long-lasting occupation does not make it legal or moral. When an occupying force uses “self-defense” to justify actions that protect an occupation, it is defending the illegal occupation, not acting legitimately.

No one should be expected to accept a thief’s right to keep a stolen home simply because they have lived there for years and raised families. The rights of Palestinians to their homes, land, and self-determination must be the foundation for any real peace.

Justice demands respect for all peoples’ history and rights—not myths, colonialism, or military force. The world must reject occupation and support the Palestinians’ rightful struggle for their homeland. Only then can peace and fairness be possible.

The same principle applies to many other nations around the world who are fighting for their historical identity and ancestral lands—such as the Sindhis, Kashmiris, Balochs, Kurds, and others. Their legitimate claims to land and resources deserve equal respect and international recognition.

Justice demands respect for all peoples’ history and rights—not myths, colonialism, or military force. The world must reject occupation and support the rightful struggles of all oppressed peoples. Only then can peace and fairness be possible.

Justice for the oppressed is justice for humanity.

Justice for the oppressed is justice for humanity.

Read: A Call for Justice

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Dr. Muhammad Mataro Hingorjo is a Family Physician originally from village Dhandhi Hingorja, Tharpakar, Sindh, currently residing in Limerick Ireland.

The post Might and Myths Should Not Rule first appeared on Sindh Courier.

• We must learn from countries that practice true democratic values like Norway, Sweden, Canada, and Germany

By Hamid Khan

Democracy is mainly a Greek word which means “rule by the people.” In a democratic system, people have the right to choose their own government through elections.

The term democracy is often used in different ways, but it generally has two major aspects: procedural democracy and social democracy. Procedural democracy focuses on holding regular elections, while social democracy means equal participation in power and reducing inequality among people.

The philosophical foundation of democracy is based on the idea of popular sovereignty, where the authority of the government comes from the consent of the governed. Greece was the first country in the world to practice democracy. In democratic governance, people elect representatives who run the government according to the people’s mandate. Democracy demands equal opportunities, protection of the law, and justice for all.

As per the Constitution of Pakistan Article 25, “All citizens are equal before the law.” Democracy is not just about voting; it’s also about protecting human rights, freedom of speech, and a fair legal system. According to American philosopher John Dewey, “Democracy is the most desirable form of government because it alone provides the kinds of freedom necessary for individual self-development and growth.”

In a true democracy, there is separation of powers, independent judiciary, and a system of checks and balances among government institutions. These features protect citizens from injustice and abuse of power.

Liberal democracy is a form of democracy that emphasizes individual rights, equality, and freedom of speech, free markets, and the rule of law. It promotes peace and cooperation at both national and international levels. Democracy is one of the most important values that a society can promote. It allows people to have a voice and shape their own future. However, in Pakistan, democracy is facing serious challenges.

According to the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index 2024, Pakistan ranks 124th out of 167 countries with a score of 2.84, and is now categorized as an authoritarian regime. This is a drop from its previous ranking, making Pakistan one of the 10 worst-performing countries in the world for democratic governance. This poor ranking highlights:

– Unfair elections

– Political repression

– Lack of judicial independence

– Violation of civil liberties and freedom of speech

In Pakistan, many government departments suffer from political interference. Politicians often use their power to influence civil bureaucracy, where rules and merit are ignored. If a person belongs to a political party they are often given special treatment, even if they break laws or ignore procedures. This leads to the:

– Lack of accountability

– Collapse of institutional integrity

– Loss of public trust in the system

Due to political interference, departmental honor is damaged, and people start losing respect for these institutions. The distance between government departments and ordinary citizens keeps increasing.

Need for True Democracy

Our beloved leader Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah once said:

“You are the servants of the people. Always remember that you are here to serve the people, not to rule over them.”

Unfortunately, today many government officials and politicians have forgotten this message. Without free and fair elections, independent judiciary, merit based system, and public accountability, we cannot achieve real democracy.

We must learn from countries that practice true democratic values like Norway, Sweden, Canada, and Germany. These countries have:

– Honest and impartial governance

– Rule of law

– Strong institutions

– Respect for human rights

If Pakistan wants to progress, it must adopt true democracy where:

– People’s rights are protected

– Elections are fair

– Institutions are free from political pressure

– Law applies equally to all citizens

Democracy is the only solution to Pakistan’s problems whether it’s injustice, corruption, unemployment, or inequality.

Read: Democracy is Breathing Its Last!

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Hamid Khan, hailing from Bannu, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, is Student of BS Political Science at International Islamic University, Islamabad

The post Lack of democratic Values Plagues Pakistan first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Sir CJ Institute must be shielded from political experiments and allowed to serve the people of Sindh with integrity, professionalism, and care

By Dr. Mohammad Mataro Hingorjo | Ireland

As a concerned Sindhi doctor and graduate of Liaquat University of Medical and Health Sciences (LUMHS), I write with deep anxiety about the ongoing deterioration of one of South Asia’s most historic mental health institutions—the Sir Cowasji Jehangir Institute of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences (Sir CJ Institute) in Hyderabad.

This 159-year-old institution, founded during British colonial rule in 1865, has served as a lifeline for countless individuals battling psychiatric and behavioral illnesses across Pakistan. For decades, the institute operated in silence, with outdated infrastructure and neglected systems. However, for the first time since Pakistan’s creation, meaningful reform efforts began under the directives of the Supreme Court of Pakistan. This rare opportunity for institutional transformation now risks being squandered due to bureaucratic interference, political manipulation, and vested interests.

A Reform Mandated by the Supreme Court

It is reported that in response to the Supreme Court’s instructions, the Government of Sindh issued a formal notification assigning the Vice Chancellor of LUMHS to lead a legislative effort aimed at modernizing the institute. The initiative included drafting a comprehensive law to grant autonomy, academic affiliation, and updated governance to the institute—laying the groundwork for its elevation as a center of psychiatric excellence.

In 2019, this culminated in the passage of the Sir Cowasji Jehangir Institute of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences Act by the Sindh Assembly. However, it is reported that key elements of the original draft were altered during the legislative process, allegedly under pressure from political actors. Notably, the inclusion of Sindh University and the restructuring of the board of governors are viewed as calculated efforts to dilute the institute’s professional autonomy and embed political control.

Despite the passage of the Act, no effective implementation has occurred. Six years later, the institute remains under the administrative control of the provincial Health Department—contrary to the autonomy promised in the legislation. This inertia raises serious questions about political will and the repeated obstruction of mental health progress in Sindh.

Allegations of Political Capture and Regression

It is further reported that the institute is under the de facto control of a group of bureaucrats and political figures with overwhelming influence over operations. Among them are two highly powerful personalities who are reported to be closely linked to the ruling party in Sindh. Their reported involvement has raised alarm over the institution being used for purposes other than professional and public interest.

Of particular concern is the reported effort to displace the academic faculty from LUMHS, who have been affiliated with the institute since 2001. Over the last two decades, this faculty has trained 71 qualified psychiatrists, played a crucial role in postgraduate education, and helped transform the institute from a custodial asylum into a modern mental health facility. Dislodging these professionals would not only reverse years of progress but potentially disrupt ongoing psychiatric training in the province.

Mental health care, by its nature, demands expertise, compassion, and ethical leadership. The reported appointment of non-qualified general cadre doctors—without specialization in psychiatry or psychology—to senior administrative roles further undermines the integrity of mental health services. Clinical leadership should be entrusted only to those with adequate qualifications and domain knowledge. Placing unqualified individuals in control of psychiatric institutions compromises both patient care and institutional credibility.

The Role of Mental Health in Public Policy

According to national and global health reports, one in every four people in Pakistan suffers from a mental health condition. Despite this alarming prevalence, investment in mental health remains minimal. Pakistan’s own 2021–2030 National Action Framework for Mental Health and the Sindh Mental Health Act 2013 both emphasize not just treatment, but also education, training, and community outreach. Yet, these ideals remain unfulfilled.

At present, it is reported that there is no comprehensive district- or taluka-level mental health service across Sindh. In contrast, spiritual healers and pseudo-practitioners continue to operate unchecked in many areas, often with informal political or administrative backing. If Sindh is to meet the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for mental health by 2030, genuine structural reform is non-negotiable.

A Way Forward: Restore the Mission, Respect the Law

The Sir CJ Institute must be recognized not just as a treatment center, but also as an academic hub that plays a critical role in postgraduate psychiatric education. Its affiliation with LUMHS should be strengthened, not severed. As a LUMHS alumnus and practicing doctor, I can attest to the need for continuity, expertise, and academic stewardship in mental health reform.

I respectfully advise that:

The provisions of the 2019 Act be implemented in full spirit.

Qualified psychiatrists and psychologists lead mental health institutions.

Academic partnerships, particularly with LUMHS, be preserved and enhanced.

Political and bureaucratic interference in medical and academic affairs be restrained.

Community-level mental health outreach programs be developed to serve rural and underserved populations.

This is not merely a question of institutional management—it is a matter of public health, human dignity, and social justice. The Sir CJ Institute must be shielded from political experiments and allowed to serve the people of Sindh with integrity, professionalism, and care.

Sindh’s mental health system cannot afford another setback. The time to act with wisdom, transparency, and responsibility is now.

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Dr. Muhammad Mataro Hingorjo is a Family Physician originally from village Dhandhi Hingorja, Tharpakar, Sindh, currently residing in Limerick Ireland.

Read – Moro Tragedy: Sindh’s Land & Water Battle

The post Opinion: Mental Health Under Siege first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Abeerah Hilal

What Is Ban Culture?

Ban culture refers to the increasing tendency of governments, regulators, or even public pressure groups to suppress media content they deem offensive, inappropriate, or politically threatening. In many cases, these bans come without transparent processes or opportunities for public debate.

Pakistan’s Landscape: Media under Pressure

Pakistan has a long history of media censorship, from banning political talk shows during times of unrest to taking down social media platforms like TikTok and YouTube for allegedly promoting “immoral content.” Recently, movies such as Joyland and several foreign web series have faced bans over their “controversial themes.” Similarly, news outlets and journalists critical of state policies have found themselves under intense scrutiny or blocked altogether.

In 2024, the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) issued warnings to multiple TV channels for airing content that “violated cultural norms,” often without clearly defining what those norms were.

The Double-Edged Sword

Supporters of bans argue they are necessary to maintain order, prevent misinformation, or protect youth from harmful influences. They point to the rise of fake news, online radicalization, and cultural erosion as reasons for tighter control.

However, opponents see these moves as part of a dangerous pattern. “When you shut down dissenting voices or controversial art, you are not solving the problem—you’re just hiding it,” says a Lahore-based filmmaker whose documentary on gender rights was denied a release certificate.

Global Perspective

Ban culture is not unique to Pakistan. In India, films and documentaries critical of government policies have faced similar restrictions. In the U.S., books and school curriculum have recently been challenged or removed in certain states over political and racial content. China and Iran have long histories of media bans to control public discourse.

But democracies are measured by how well they tolerate discomfort. True freedom of expression means allowing voices that challenge, question, and even provoke.

Impact on Creativity and Journalism

Frequent bans and content restrictions discourage creators and journalists from taking risks. When people fear backlash or punishment, they self-censor—even without being explicitly told to. This chills innovation and critical thinking, leaving society with only sanitized, state-approved narratives.

Where Do We Go From Here?

While every country has the right to regulate harmful content, the question remains: who decides what’s harmful? Without transparency and accountability, ban culture can easily become a tool for silencing dissent and maintaining control rather than protecting society.

It’s time to rethink how bans are issued and how media freedom is protected. Instead of blocking content, the focus should shift to media literacy, open dialogue, and building a society that can tolerate a range of voices—even the uncomfortable ones.

Read: Rising Cost of Living in Pakistan

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Abeerah Hilal is student at Mass Communication Department, Karachi University

The post Silencing or Safeguarding the Society? first appeared on Sindh Courier.

By Harshini Rajachander

Habeas Corpus

On May 10, Rümeysa Öztürk, a PhD student from Tufts, successfully managed to gain bail and transfer out of ICE holdings in Louisiana. The legal maneuver that saved her from gulag-like conditions was a timely filing of the habeas corpus petition when she was first held in Vermont for a day after her detention by masked ICE agents near her home.

At an American Community Media briefing on May 9, Prof. Aziz Z. Huq, Frank and Bernice J. Greenberg Professor of Law, University of Chicago, explained what went right for Ozturk.

“Habeas corpus is a right that goes back to at least Stuart England by which an individual is entitled to claim in court that he or she is wrongfully detained. And once the habeas corpus petition has been filed in a local court – in Öztürk’s case that was in Vermont – it is not lawful for ICE or the government to move that person out of the jurisdiction.”

At the briefing, a distinguished panel explored a critical question: Is the United States drifting toward authoritarianism? Together, assessed how democracies weaken from within—and whether our institutions are resilient enough to resist.

Fighting detainment

Basically, the government doesn’t have the power to detain people without an independent arbiter, i.e., a judge, deciding if it’s lawful to do so, said Prof. Huq. The habeas corpus petition has turned out to be an important tool to fight illegal deportations and the complete denigration of due process that is going on under the Trump administration. It is especially useful for students who were detained for no reason other than using their right to exercise free speech and protest the Gaza genocide.

Even though several constitutional law experts and Democratic Senator Klobuchar stress that only Congress has the power to reverse habeas corpus, it was chilling to note that Stephen Miller, White House deputy chief of staff for policy and homeland security adviser, has threatened to suspend habeas corpus.

The right to due process

Meanwhile, the Trump administration is simultaneously bulldozing the right to due process by use of the Alien Enemies Act, a colonial law that dates back to 1798. The right to due process helps any individual, not just citizens, fight against unlawful detention or protect themselves from arbitrary government action. The removal of Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia to a high-security prison in El Salvador and the Trump administration’s defiance of court orders to facilitate his return have demonstrated the administration’s flagrant disregard for due process, said the experts.

A new ABC News/Washington Post/Ipsos poll reveals that 49% of respondents believe the president is expanding his authority, flouting the rule of law, and steering the nation away from its founding principles.

“Donald Trump just said in an interview,” said Dr. Huq, “that it would just take too long to do all the trials for ‘he poor people.’ Essentially, he does not want to comply with the law in order to do what he wants to do.”

The road to absolute power

The erosion of these fundamental human rights that were until now enshrined and protected by the constitution points to a much bigger problem at hand.

At the center of this concern is a pattern: Trump increasingly asserts that his presidential power is absolute and beyond question. He routinely attacks the judiciary, installs loyalists over qualified experts, and treats critical institutions—including universities and the independent press—as enemies of the state. His administration appears to use the tools of government to reward allies and punish dissent.

According to hundreds of leading scholars of democracy, these are classic indicators of a country on the road away from democratic rule.

Democracy under siege

“If you ask me, democracy in the US is over; we have unambiguously slipped into competitive authoritarianism,” said Prof. Lucan Ahmad Way, Distinguished Professor of Democracy at the University of Toronto. “Competitive authoritarianism involves leaders who are elected and who maintain that power over longer periods of time, for example, Turkey, Hungary, and India. Opposition parties are even allowed to stand and run for elections, but usually the cost of opposition would be too high for them to meaningfully win.”

In fact, he added, most modern autocrats are elected to power—current statistics show that 63% of all dictators were elected to office, while military coups and forceful takeovers have become quite rare. But, “Is America a democracy? No, not anymore,” said Prof. Way.

What is different and alarming about the American case is the rapid pace of change. Political experts expected things to unfold over some years, as in Hungary or Poland; instead, the mass firing of civil servants, the rebuke of court judges, mass deportation of immigrants have all happened at a much more rapid and dramatic pace.

The historical abuse of power

For black and indigenous residents of the United States, however, this is nothing new.

“The United States can be called a proper democracy only after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, when black people got the right to vote,” explained Prof. Browne-Marshall, Professor of Constitutional Law, John Jay College of Criminal Justice (CUNY). “Even after that, African Americans have been the community on which any abuse of power is first tested on. The unspoken understanding was that the practice of constitutional crisis stayed within black and brown communities, but now it is spreading to the general white population as well.”

The Trump administration has overturned hard-won protections by different groups: women, people with disabilities, workers, climate activists, and immigrants.

Moving forward

During the first 100 days of Donald Trump’s return to the presidency, public concern over the direction of the country has risen sharply. Recent polling reflects a growing sense of alarm:

A nonpartisan survey by the Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) found that 52% of Americans agree with the statement that Trump is “a dangerous dictator.”

Experts note that the only way to fight back is by believing in a better and more just future. “We have the numbers, we only need to speak up and show the people in power that the majority do not agree with Trump and his policies. President Trump’s 45% approval ratings show that even his voters are not happy,” said Prof. Browne Marshall.

“Where the Democrats err is in embracing neoliberalism and wishing to go back to a time that was good for the upper middle class alone. Instead, they need to take a step back and reconnect with their historical working-class base and understand all that was and is wrong with the American system. Only then do we have a good chance of countering the Trump administration,” Prof. Huq summed up.

“After all, autocracies are never irreversible.”

Read: Observations of an Expat: Tyranny of the Majority

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Harshini is an ex-AI engineer who gave up a career in tech to explore the better things in life. Her story recently appeared in the The Smart Set magazine.

Courtesy: India Currents

The post Opinion: Is America a Democracy? first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Isa Daudpota

On April 15th, a Section Officer in Sindh Government’s Finance Department circulated a notice about the purchase of about 15 Hilux Rocco 4×4 Diesel (2755 cc) vehicles, manufactured by Indus Motors, for the use of various Deputy Commissioners (DCs).  Each one according to this document (copy of which I received by email) costs just under Rs.15 million.

It is worth recalling that Malik Meraj Khalid was caretaker prime minister from November 1996 until February 1997.  He rode everywhere in a Suzuki Alto, which costs under Rs.3 million today, i.e. one fifth the price of vehicles now being given to DCs (Grade 18-19). His profile appeared in The Guardian.

It helps to put the DC’s vehicle cost against what a common person earns.  Roughly, the annual salary of a worker is Rs.0.5 million (based on the minimum wage mandated by the government). Hence 30 workers are meant to feed their big families for a year for what a grand vehicle costs.

Read: Sindh govt releases Rs526mn to purchase luxury vehicles for senior officials

One dreads to estimate the cost of the Chief Minister’s and Governor’s vehicles and of the ones given to hundreds (or is it thousands?) of senior officers under them and above the rank of DC.

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Hailing from Sindh, Isa Daudpoto is Islamabad resident

The post Opinion: Big Rides, Small Wages first appeared on Sindh Courier.