A historic article based on interview of Shah Mardan Shah Pir Pagara-VII that also analyzes the feudal society of Pakistan in general and Sindh in particular. The article was published 36-years back in Los Angeles Times newspaper.

BY RONE TEMPEST

PIR JO GOTH, Pakistan

When Prime Minister Mohammed Khan Junejo comes to this village to visit his spiritual master, the Pir of Pagaro, he must sleep on the ground. His head may never be raised above that of the man he worships as the “visible symbol of Allah.”

Like all of the followers of this pir, one of the most powerful of the several hundred hereditary rulers, living saints and feudal landlords in Pakistan, he must greet his master with an obsequious bow that ends with his forehead touching the ground in front of his master’s feet.

If the pir–the word means “spiritual guide” in Sindhi, the local language–sits on a chair, the prime minister must sit on the floor. He must never wear shoes in the pir’s presence. And if the pir asks him to perform any task, no matter how loathsome or dangerous, Junejo must do it unhesitatingly. That is the law of the Brotherhood of the Pir of Pagaro.

Practiced Only in Village

In practice, this kind of slavish devotion is reserved for this village near the Indus River, where the main mosque and shrine of the followers of the Pir of Pagaro are situated. There is no bowing and scraping by the prime minister in the National Assembly, where both men are members. As the Pir of Pagaro, 58-year-old Sikander Ali Shah, explained in a recent interview: “When he comes to my house, he is my follower. When I go to his office, I go to see the prime minister.”

Pakistan is a place where one man’s serf is another man’s master. Junejo himself is a wadera, or feudal landlord, in the Sanghar district of Sindh province, the southern state that straddles the Indus. There, he has his own followers and subjects.

Democratic institutions have never taken root as they have in neighboring India. Life in Pakistan continues to be dominated by feudal, tribal and religious orders.

Along Family Lines

For example, when Junejo ordered the arrest of opposition leader Benazir Bhutto in Karachi on Aug. 14, demonstrations for and against the arrest followed traditional feudal and family lines in Sind province.

Followers of the pir, in their strongholds near Sukkur and in the Sanghar district, supported the government. On several occasions, they attacked Bhutto’s supporters with axes. During most of the weeklong disturbances, in which as many as 29 people died, the pir’s men acted as a paramilitary force on the side of police and the army.

Bhutto, meanwhile, gained strong support from the right bank of the Indus River near Larkana, site of her own family’s feudal homestead. The most violent demonstrations on her behalf took place in Hala, north of Hyderabad, where she has the support of another traditional ruler, the Makhdun of Hala, a powerful rival of the Pir of Pagaro.

The president of Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party in Sindh is Khalique Zaman, son of the Makhdun of Hala.

“Benazir likes to present herself as the beacon of democracy, yet she draws on the same traditional power bases as the other politicians,” Hamida Khurro, a political scientist in Karachi, said.

One experienced political officer at a Western embassy said:

“Pakistan is a very conservative country whose rural traditions have changed the least in all of South Asia. It is a country where great landlords and traditional religious leaders exercise considerable influence and hold large percentages of the wealth.

Factor in Politics

“Politics in this country cannot be understood independently of how these people choose to exercise their influence and interact with each other. It is a throwback to the politics of a century or more ago in other parts of the world.”

Obedience to some traditional ruler or tribal chieftain is common in most of Pakistan. Only in the relatively affluent, well-educated, urban centers of Punjab province such as Lahore and Rawalpindi is the phenomenon of the independent voter a significant factor in Pakistan political life.

Pakistanis who live in the rugged desert province of Baluchistan usually owe fealty to their tribal chiefs, the sardars. In the untamed North-West Frontier Province on the border with Afghanistan, it is the fiercest of all the tribal leaders, the ruthless khans, who hold sway. But it is in the rural reaches of steamy Sind province, the land that hugs the Indus River on its route to the Arabian Sea, where the traditional social orders seem most pervasive and cruel.

Can Dictate Marriage

A poor man here in Sindh province may drive a tractor. But he remains a virtual slave to the powerful feudal landlords, the waderas, who still thrive here. The wadera may tell the man whom he may marry and even dictate the names of his children. He may beat the man or even kill him.

Prime Minister Junejo, named to his office in 1985 after nearly eight years of martial law, is one of the best examples of a man straddling the ancient and modern orders of Pakistan.

Although ultimate power in Pakistan still rests with President Zia ul-Haq, who took over in a military coup in 1977, Junejo has gradually assumed more responsibility, particularly after Zia lifted martial law last December.

But while his ascent has raised hopes for a return to democratic rule here, it has also enhanced the status of more traditional forces, such as those of Junejo’s spiritual and temporal lord, the enigmatic Pir of Pagaro.

Lord of the Hat

The burly, handsome pir–his full title means Lord of the Hat, a reference to the tall, knitted hat that he wears when enforcing discipline–is the most powerful and most feared of all the waderas. And he makes no secret of his ambition to extend that power, to convert millions more to his flock and rule all of Pakistan.

His first obligation, the pir said in an interview at his Karachi home, is to “serve the followers of the shrine.” After that, he said, “I want to rule all Pakistan and even a little bit more.”

As he talked, the pir smoked a cigarette in a long elegant holder. He wore two rings, each with five large stones, all diamonds except for a sparkling blue sapphire. A gold chain around his neck supported a large pendant, with a verse from the Koran written in smaller diamonds.

The pir, whose interests besides politics include caged birds, tropical fish, horse racing and computers, usually speaks in epigrams and riddles.

Months ago, when he was first asked about his relationship with Junejo, he said he had “loaned” him to the Pakistan government. In the recent interview, the pir smiled and added, “Now the loan has become an investment.”

Ready to Give Lives

True followers of the pir are prepared to sacrifice their lives at any time for their lord. To refuse his command is unthinkable. In the mind of a true believer, therefore, it is not Junejo who presides over Pakistan.

Ghulam Shabbir, a Muslim historian who lives in Pir Jo Goth, said, “Mohammed Khan Junejo is Pir Sahib’s follower. In that sense, you can say it is Pir Sahib’s government.”

To the pir’s followers, this poses no problem for the people of Pakistan. “The interests of Pir Sahib and the interests of Pakistan are the same, so there is no conflict,” said Mufti Mohammed Rahim, a religious leader and follower of the pir.

The current pir is the eighth hereditary ruler of more than 900,000 devotees who consider him a living extension of God.

The tradition of pirs in Islam dates to the 12th-Century movement of Sufism, in which mystical practices, some taken from Hinduism and Buddhism, were introduced in Islamic society. Like the Buddhist bodhisattva, the Muslim pir, or murshid (preceptor), is thought to have obtained spiritual enlightenment while on earth. Although the principal tenet of Islam is “There is no God but Allah and Mohammed is his prophet,” many of the pirs are worshiped by their followers as earthly manifestations of God.

Some in Army, Police

At least 50,000 of the Pir of Pagaro’s most fanatical followers, the militant hurs, serve in positions reserved for them in the Pakistani army and provincial police. The jobs were created as a reward to the pir for his service to the several military governments of Pakistan, including Gen. Zia’s eight-year military regime.

When a reporter arrived at the guest house of the pir in Pir Jo Goth village recently, he found several of the pir’s administrative officials, called kaliphs, sitting in the rose garden with senior Pakistan police officials. In front of them stood 200 young men, all followers of the pir, who had been chosen for induction into the provincial police as part of the pir’s quota.

In the Karachi interview, the pir was asked about Gen. Zia. Personally, the pir said, he did not much care for the general.

“We have a strictly business relationship,” he said.

In effect, the police and military forces allotted to the pir constitute a private army at his disposal. Occasionally, they have been used against his political opponents, most recently against supporters of Benazir Bhutto. The soldiers and police are also a major source of income for the pir, since all followers must pay him a tithe.

A Rich Landlord

The pir is also a rich landlord. He owns groves of date palms, cotton fields and rice paddies here in the irrigated Indus valley.

He is a leader and former president of the ruling party, the Muslim League. He is a senator in the Pakistan National Assembly and his eldest son, the next pir, is the minister of power and irrigation for Sind province, the official who decides who receives water in a region where water represents riches and power. Another son is a member of the National Assembly.

A previous pir, the grandfather of the incumbent, once demonstrated his absolute authority to horrified British visitors by ordering several followers to jump to their death from towers in his royal compound.

He later led his most fanatical followers, the hurs, in a bloody revolt against the British. As a result, the British labeled the hurs a “criminal tribe,” a designation they had in common with the thughis of Bengal, from whom came the word “thug.”

Relocated by British

The hurs were required to register with local police, and in an effort to disband them the British relocated many of them to other parts of their empire. Many hurs were deposited on the Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean, where their descendants remain today.

Hur means free man in the local language. The hurs believe that their pir has “freed them” from this life and ensured their place in heaven. Their devotion equals that of the fabled hashishis who followed Iranian folk leader Hasan Sabbah and from whom comes the word assassin.

The current pir’s father, Pir Sibghatullah Shah (1908-1943), also battled the British, this time as part of the Indian Freedom Movement in the territory that now includes Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. That pir hated the British after they jailed him for keeping a young boy in a cage in front of his castle in Pir Jo Goth.

In jail on that charge, the pir met Hindu freedom fighters from Indian Bengal and decided to launch a terrorist campaign against the British.

In 1943, Sibghatullah Shah was hanged by the British for “conspiracy to wage war against the king.” Hundreds of his followers were also hanged, many without trial.

Herded Into Camps

Other hurs and their families were herded behind the barbed wire of concentration camps where they were kept for many years, even after Pakistan became independent in 1947.

The current pir is more law abiding. While his father was in jail, the British dynamited the castle here and sent him and his brothers off to boarding school in England. Pictures of the young pir in his English school cricket jacket are on display in his rebuilt castle.

The castle has a long balcony facing an open courtyard where the pir, like a South Asian pope, makes appearances and delivers homilies to throngs of followers who come to see him and the shrine containing the coffins of his ancestors.

After returning from England in 1952, Sikander Shah was crowned Pir of Pagaro in an elaborate ceremony at Pir Jo Goth. In 1965, he gained favor with the Pakistan government by ordering his fanatical hurs to the front in the war against India.

“Now I give you to the command of the Pakistan army. Obey their command whatever it may be,” the pir told them as they assembled in the courtyard of his castle here.

Chanting “Hail to the Pagaro,” the hurs marched to battle in their white turbans and traditional blue shawls called ajraks. Although poorly armed, they distinguished themselves in battle, particularly in the tricky desert region of Rajasthan.

When the Indian army heard their chants, boasted historian Ghulam Shabbir in an unpublished essay on the 1965 war, their commanders reportedly said: “The white turbaned ones have turned up; flee, therefore.”

Since that time, said the pir, the visible symbol of Allah, the creator and sustainer of all the worlds, the direct representative of the Holy Prophet of Islam, he has supported whomever has had the support of the army in Pakistan politics.

“I am the GHQ (general headquarters) man,” he said.

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Courtesy: Los Angeles Times – Published on September 25, 1986

The post Power Is the Pir’s in Sindh Province first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Dr. Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro 

Pir Jo Goth in Khairpur district is the most sacred and spiritual place for the Hurs. The Hurs are a community of Sufi Faqirs whose ancestors fought against the British Raj in Sindh under the leaderships of their spiritual mentors – the Pir Pagaras. The present 8th Pir Pagaro derives his spiritual and political power from the shrine complex of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah. This was the ancestor of the Pir Pagaras and the Pirs of Jhando in Sindh. Muhammad Rashid Shah alias Rozay Dhani was founder of the Rashidiyya Sufi sub-order which was a combination of both Qadiri and Naqshbandi tariqas in Sindh.

He was born in 1756 in small village of Rahim Dino Kalhoro in Khairpur district. His father Pir Muhammad Baqa Shah was a great mystic of his time, who was first initiated into the Naqshbandi Tariqa by Makhdoom Ismail of Piryaloi (died in 1761). Pir Muhammad Baqa Shah, later on the suggestion of his first mentor Makhdoom Ismail, adopted the Qadiri Tariqa and he went to Pirkot Sadhana in Jhang, Punjab, to become a disciple of Pir Abdul Qadir Jilani.

Entrance gate to the shrine complex of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah Rozay DhaniPir Muhammad Baqa Shah was a man of learning. He used to spend most of his time in travelling and reading the books. One day on the way back to his village from Garhi Yashin, he took respite from his travel under a tree and slept for a while. He had a bag full of books placed under his head. Some thieves were passing by that area and spotted the bag under his head. Believing that it might have money inside, they killed Pir Muhammad Baqa Shah to get the bag. They found books inside when they opened the bag – repenting over their act.

Pir Muhammad Baqa Shah (died in 1784) was buried in the necropolis of Shaikh Taib, which was located in the plains of Khairpur district. Hence he was called ‘Pat Dhani’ (holder of the plains). Pir Muhammad Baqa Shah had four sons namely Muhammad Rashid Shah (1756-1818), Abdul Rasool Shah (1155-1816), Murtaza Ali Shah (1759- 1820) and Muhammad Salim Shah (1765-1826).Pir Muhammad Baqa Shah gave special attention to the education of his children and admitted them in famous madrasahs and khanqahs of Khairpur, Larkana and Shikarpur. Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah, a son of Pir Muhammad Baqa Shah, got his early education from Hafiz Muhammad Akram Ghumro and Hafiz Zain ul Mahesar who was a disciple of Pir Muhammad Baqa Shah.

Pir Muhammad Baqa Shah was a close friend of Makhdoom Yar Muhammad (died in 1804) of Kotri Kabir – who he entrusted with the responsibility for imparting Islamic education to two of his sons Murtaza Ali Shah and Muhammad Rashid Shah. Both remained some time under the guidance of Makhdoom Yar Muhammad. According to Malfuzat the brother of Muhammad Rashid Shah formally became a Naqshbandi Sufi but Muhammad Rashid Shah was not much influenced by Naqshbandi Tariqa and he later adopted the Qadiri Tariqa – and in time became, like his father, an eminent Qadiri Sufi. But the hagiographers and the disciples of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah believe that he was both Naqshbandi as well as Qadiri!Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah also studied in the madrasah of Haji Faqirullah Alavi (1689-1780). Under the supervision of both Makhdoom Yar Muhammad (died in 1804) of Kotri Kabir and Haji Faqirullah Alavi of Shikarpur, Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah studied Fiqah, Hadith, Tafsir, Sufism and many other religious subjects.

After completing his education, Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah became an eminent scholar and Sufi himself. After the martyrdom of his father, he became the head of the family and spiritual guide of many of his disciples. He was the author of several books and letters on mystical subjects. There were many deputies of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah who spread his teachings in every nook and corner of Sindh, Punjab and even in Kutch and Rajasthan in India.

The list of his deputies is very long. However, the prominent ones include Syed Muhammad Hassan Shah Jilani of Sui (died in 1838, buried at Sui Sharif, Mirpur Mathelo), Khalefo Mehmood Nizamani (1775-1851), Khalefo Nabi Bakhsh Laghari (1776-1863), Khalefo Sarang Kalhoro, Khalefo Allah Rakhio Kalhoro, Khalefo Muhammad Hussain Mahesar and Khalefo Muhammad Panah Kehar.Southern view of the Dargah MosqueHe had eighteen sons, of which four died during his lifetime and four others died without any issue. The progeny of his ten sons spread to many towns and villages in Sindh, which are called, after his name, Rashidi. The family of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah was separated into two branches – the Pagaro (bearer of the turban) and Jhandevaro (bearer of the flag).

After the death of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah, Pir Muhammad Yasin Shah claimed to be the Gadi Nashin of the shrine but the eventual decision was made in favour of Pir Sibghatullah Shah as Gadi Nashin. A Jhando (flag), a relic of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah, was given to Pir Muhammad Yasin Shah who later became known as Jhandevaro. He migrated from Rahim Dino Kalhoro village and established his khanqah at Thullah Sharif near Baqrani in Larkana, where he died in 1859 and was buried. His son Pir Rashiduddin migrated from Thullah Sharif and established his seminary near Saeedabad in what is known today as Matiari district, which came to be called Pir Jhando village.

This seminary of Pir Jhando later attracted great Deobandi scholars like Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi (1872-1944), Shaikh al-Hind Mahmud al-Hassan (1851-1920) and Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanwi (1863-1943). Pir Jhando village also became the centre of the Khilafat Movement from 1919 to 1924 during the leaderships of Pir Rashidullah and Pir Rashiduddin – great exponents of jihad and forceful believers in tawhid.After the death of Muhammad Rashid Shah, his son Pir Sibghatullah Shah became the first Pagaro and Gadi Nashin of his dargah. Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah was first buried at Rahim Dino Kalhoro. Later, due to the inundation in the river Indus, Rahim Dino Kalhoro village was flooded and the mortal remains of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah were taken to Pir Jo Goth for reburial by his grandson Pir Ali Gohar Shah I, the 2nd Pir Pagaro.

The 3rd Pir Pagaro, Pir Hizbullah Shah Rashidi (died in 1890), rose in rebellion against the British Raj in 1880 and the Hur movement became a formidable force under the leaderships of the 4th Pir Pagaro Ali Gohar Shah II (died in 1896), the 5th Pir Pagaro Shah Mardan Shah I (died in 1921) and the 6th Pir Pagaro Sibghatullah Shah Rashidi alias Soreh Badshah.All Pir Pagaras derived their spiritual power from the shrine of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah.

The tomb of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah contains the graves of all the six Pagaras except Sibghatullah Shah Rashidi II alias Pir Soreh Badshah, who was hanged by the British on the 20th of March 1943 and was buried in secret place outside of Sindh. The Qadiri-Rashidiyya and Naqshbandi-Rashidiyya Sufis of Sindh popularly known as Pir Pagaras and Pirs of Jhando respectively, both descendants of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah, played an active role in challenging the British authority in Sindh and subsequently changed the religious landscape of Sindh – resulting in a multiplication of shrines for their deputies and disciples that came up in the wake of their heroic struggles.

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The author is an anthropologist and teaches at the Department of Development Studies, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE). He is author of eleven books.

Courtesy: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE) (The article was originally published by The Friday Times Lahore)

The post Of Turban and Flag first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Despite imposition of martial law, mass arrests, killings, destruction of villages and a well-hatched conspiracy of disturbing demographic composition of the area by colonization of Bugti tribesmen of Balochistan, Punjabis, Pathans and retired military personnel, granting them thousands of acres of agriculture land in Sanghar and adjoining areas, and clearing a vast area of Makhi forest in a bid to make it unable for Hur militants to use as their hideout, the British failed to suppress the Hur uprising. The then acting Deputy Commissioner Sardar Muhammad Yaqoob, an ill-natured and venomous person from Delhi, whose ancestors were said to be Jews and later converted to Islam, in a report to the Commissioner of Sindh on September 30, 1896 suggested inhuman actions against Hur community including establishing Concentration Camps generally known as ‘Lorrha’, the Hedged Villages, deporting the Hurs to remote Indian states and lodging them in concentration camps there. The term concentration camp refers to a camp in which people are detained or confined, usually under harsh conditions and without regard to legal norms of arrest and imprisonment that are acceptable in a constitutional democracy. One can have the idea what the Concentration Camp was from the following piece of the Lambrick’s novel ‘The Terrorist’ and from account of those who passed long miserable years in those camps:

Saeen Rakhio, the main character of novel says: “It was a village called ‘Bhiri’, about six miles from Sanghar, and there was I born, within tall thorn hedge where policemen stood at the gate; so it is nothing strange that I should die inside a jail. You must have heard how at these places the inmates had to answer their names to the police at roll-call every morning and evening; in the daytime the men were allowed to go out on their work but at night all had to remain inside and the womenfolk might not go beyond the hedge even by day except at harvest time. Then indeed most of them and the children could go with the men for reaping the autumn crops round about Sanghar and along Dim canal, and in the spring season into Makhi, where many of us Hurs had ancient rights to cultivate, though the majority depended on grazing cattle there.”

Saeen Rakhio mentions the deputy (Sardar Yaqoob) of Lucas (Commissioner of Sindh) during whose period the hedged villages were established on his recommendations.

Sindhi book ‘Azadi Ja Aseer’, published by Roza Dhani Chair of Shah Abdul Latif University Khairpur, which is in fact a list of 5525 Hur community people, male and female, lodged in two hedged villages in Nawabshah and Khipro, describes the concentration camps as ‘a jail spread over 16 acres of land with eight feet high hedge around it and 50ft high watch towers at the four corners where the policemen were deployed round the clock to keep check on movement of confined people. Each camp had a big wooden gate with iron bars and it was guarded by armed policemen. The office and the residential quarters for the officials were built outside the camp. All the inmates had to gather at the ground near the gate inside the camp at the dawn and dusk for roll call. Each of the inmate had to tie a badge on his/her arm inscribed with his/her and father’s/husband’s name. The gate would open in the morning only after the roll-call. Initially, the womenfolk were also to appear for the roll-call but later as a result of protest they were exempted of appearance. The male inmates were allowed to go outside the camp for earning livelihood within five-mile periphery and fines and other punishments were imposed on them in case of violation. The camp administration, consisting of a Head Munishi of Revenue Department and police personnel, was not responsible for provision of food and medical facility to the inmates and often they had to starve. Several inmates including men, women and children died due to spread of diseases and starvation. The camp in-charge and policemen always forced the inmates to pay certain amount out of their daily earnings. No inmate was allowed to keep camel or horse and only donkeys were allowed for transportation.

It was a normal day when less than ten villagers expired in the camp. We used to spend whole day digging the graves and burying the dead. One day we counted 32 deaths and it was difficult for us to dig such a large number of graves for burial. Not a single day ever dawned with wailing of women and children on death of their dear ones. We felt tired of burials but the Dogra Sepoys would abuse and hit us with kicks and clubs to dig the graves and bury the dead.

Fakir Muhammad Suleman Wasan, who spent several years of his life in concentration camps of Wango and Gihlpur (Where the police-line exists now in Sanghar Town), told in an interview that a large number of men, women and children were lodged in the camp along with livestock. The ration, they provided, was substandard or poisonous, which caused outbreak of stomach diseases resulting in death of many villagers in a single day. “It was a normal day when less than ten villagers expired in the camp. We used to spend whole day digging the graves and burying the dead. One day we counted 32 deaths and it was difficult for us to dig such a large number of graves for burial. Not a single day ever dawned with wailing of women and children on death of their dear ones. We felt tired of burials but the Dogra Sepoys would abuse and hit us with kicks and clubs to dig the graves and bury the dead.”

Sardar Yaqoob suggested the British authorities of deporting the Hur families, men, women and children, on massive scale to Punjab, NWFP (Khyber Pakhtoonkhaw) and remote Indian territories. “They should be kept in concentration camps there besides establishing such camps in Sindh. Rest of the people of Hur community should be ordered to live near the police stations and appear daily at the police stations.”

In his report mentioned above, justifying the establishment of concentration camps, Sardar Yaqoob writes: “Colonization of retired army personnel and other outsiders will not deliver anything. The only solution to the problem could be compelling the Pir Pagara to order his disciples stop the activities. Moreover, since the Hur community is not in possession of agriculture land and their only source of livelihood is livestock, they should be crushed economically.”

He suggested the British authorities of deporting the Hur families, men, women and children, on massive scale to Punjab, NWFP (Khyber Pakhtoonkhaw) and remote Indian territories. “They should be kept in concentration camps there besides establishing such camps in Sindh. Rest of the people of Hur community should be ordered to live near the police stations and appear daily at the police stations,” he had suggested.

According to him the Pir Pagaro had two hundred thousand disciples in six districts of Sindh that included 70, 000 in Tharparkar, 2000 in Jacobabad, 1,000 in Karachi, 17000 in Khairpur state, 75000 in Hyderabad and 25000 in Shikarpur. He thought that 5453 disciples were actively engaged in insurgency and were a big threat to British authority. As per his proposal, the Hur community people including men and women were to be put into concentration camps. Their numbers were as follows:

A total of 3513 men and women hailing from Taluka Sanghar, Khipro, Shahdadpur and Makhi area; 1366 men and women of Taluka Hala, Tando Allahyar, Sakrand, Mirpur Khas, Umarkot, Moro, Naushehro Feroze and Kandiari; 40 men and women from Tharparkar; 75 men and women from Shikarpur; 20 from Jacobabad and 400 men and women from Khairpur state. No disciple from Karachi was put in concentration camps.

Sardar Yaqoob recommended enforcement of Article 2 of Criminal Tribes Act xxvii of 1871 with addition of certain clauses from Punjab Murderous Outrages Act xxiii 1867.

In his letter, Sardar Yaqoob suggested the British to promulgate Criminal Tribes Act for action against Hurs settled in eleven Talukas of Tharparkar and Hyderabad districts. According to the data provided by him, the total number of male adults of Hur community in the two districts was 4879.

Sardar Yaqoob proposed three concentration camps to be established in Sanghar Taluka – one each at Sanghar, Jhol and Bhiri; two concentration camps at Khipro and one in the limits of Khhaan police station for the Hur community of Mirpur Khas. He identified these locations for concentration camps in view of police stations as well as check posts already existing there with availability of sufficient police force. According to him 1060 male and 883 female members of Hur community belonging to Keerio, Bihan, Wasan, Rajar, Hingoro, Mochi, Junejo, Kori, Khaskheli, Chaang, Sanjrani, Gaho, Nizamani, Jokhia and Saand castes would be lodged at three concentration camps of Sanghar Taluka. For two concentration camps of Khipro Taluka, he proposed 369 male and 307 female members of Mangrio, Hingorjo, Bihan, Rajar, Hingora, Gujo, Kori, Sameja, Pahorr, Junejo, Keerio and some other castes. Since there were a few Hur families (13 adults and 9 children) in Umarkot Taluka, all peasants, belonging to Mangrio, Bhanbhro, Rajar and Syed communities, he suggested to keep them at nearest concentration camp in Khipro Taluka. He identified 15 families of Mahar, Bihan and Junejo consisting of 28 male and 22 female members, of them 12 landholders, who were to be lodged at concentration camp to be established in the limits of Khhaan police station.

Four concentration camps were suggested for Hyderabad district, one at Shahdadpur, four in Sakrand Taluka, where Jalalani or Sakrand camp was the biggest one. Seven villages of Hur community people were identified in Hala Taluka, which were considered as dangerous, as a Hur warrior Wasand Kazak hailed from one of these villages, and thus a concentration camp and a police station was suggested for them at Chharao. The Hurs residing in Chharao were found involved in derailing Lahore Express in 1942 during last phase of Hur guerrilla war.

For the Hur community people of Naushehro Feroze, mainly of Dahri caste, totaling 181 male and 135 female members, a concentration camp was proposed at Misir Ji Warri. Another camp for 220 male and 188 female members of Dahri, Khaskheli, Lohar (blacksmith), Hajam (Barbars), Keerio and Parhyar castes, was to be setup at Saawrri village in riverine area of Moro town. The 15 male and 12 female members of Hur community people of Rajpar and Lohar castes from Kandiaro were to be shifted to           ‘Misir Ji Waarri’ camp of Naushehro Feroze. The reason for establishing concentration camps in Moro and Naushehro Feroze was the desert area of 30 mile distance between Sakrand and Moro, which according to Sardar Yaqoob, could be used by the Hurs as hiding place after committing ‘crimes’ in Sanghar and Sakrand areas.

The Newzealand-based Sindhi researcher Prof. Umar Chand in his book mentions setting up of first ever hedged village or concentration camp at ‘Janib Dhoro’ in 1895. The other concentration camps were established later, as according to correspondence between the officials of Sindh and the Bombay Government, Sardar Yaqoob submitted his detailed report to the Commissioner of Sindh on September 30, 1898 and after two months on November 23, 1898, the same report was forwarded to the Governor and President in Council, Bombay (Some researchers mention Lord Willingdon’s name as Governor of Bombay, which is incorrect, as Lord Sandhurst William Mansfield held this office from 1895 to 1900), by Robert Giles, the acting Commissioner of Sindh in place of Sir H. M. James who earlier on June 07, 1896 in a letter to the Bombay government had opposed imposing the Criminal Tribes Act on Hurs. “The Criminal Tribes Act contained no section under which, it could be extended to Sindh nor would it suit the case for the Hurs as they are not the ordinary criminals. They differ from ordinary classes of criminals of India,” he stated describing the Hurs as having a strong religious fanatic element in their character, and recalling their history compared them with rebellious Irish peasants who were protected by whole community in case of assassination of an unpopular landlord. However Robert Giles’ in his memorandum number 2834 recommended imposition of Criminal Tribes Act 1871 but explained the reasons why it was not appropriate to deport Hurs outside Sindh. As per order number 2536 and 2537, dated May 25, 1899, issued by Governor from Bombay, the Criminal Tribes Act was enforced in Sindh to punish the Hurs for rebellion. The inhuman law was executed in eleven Talukas of Sindh, where according to Sardar Yaqoob’s report there were 151 villages of Hurs, not very distant from vast jungles. He did not include certain areas of Shikarpur, Hyderabad and Tharparkar for enforcement of Criminal Tribes Act, as according to him there were hardly 36 male and 38 female adult Hurs in Rohri and Larkana while 40 adult Hurs were surveyed in Tando Bago Taluka of Hyderabad. A small village named ‘Bhagi Sar’ existed in Chhachhro Taluka where the Hurs of Halepota clan used to live. Being in small numbers and peasants by profession, they were easy to be controlled by police.

The British administration took measures to deport Hurs to Punjab, North West Frontier Province and United Provinces of India, but failed as Punjab and then NWFP refused to accept ‘dangerous criminals’

By the April 1900, the law was enacted to setup concentration camps to lodge entire Hur community in 15 such camps of which six were in Tharparkar district including Mirpur Khas, Sanghar, Jhol, Khipro, Shahdadpur and nine in Hyderabad district including Nawabshah, Sakrand, Hala, Moro and Naushehro Feroze. The total number of adult inmates including male and female of six hedged villages of tharparkar was 2870 while 2804 was that of nine hedged villages of Hyderabad. The number of children lodged in all the camps was equal to number of adult inmates.

The British administration took measures to deport Hurs to Punjab, North West Frontier Province (Present day Khyber Pakhtoonkhaw) and United Provinces of India, but failed as Punjab and then NWFP refused to accept ‘dangerous criminals’. Lucas, in a letter to Bombay Governor Lord Willingdon Freeman Thomas (1913-18) on June 1914, had questioned ‘why the government didn’t consider deporting the Hurs to Bombay Presidency when the Punjab and NWFP refused to accept them?’ Elaborating the idea of deporting the Hurs outside Sindh, Lucas quoted Robert Giles’ memorandum, he stated that ‘in submitting the proposal, Mr. Giles had explained that one of the principal objects of declaring the Hurs as criminal tribe was to enable the authorities to deport some of the worst members of this fanatical sect, and had expressed the opinion that no measure short of removal from Sindh would be really effective.’

Dr. Nabi Bux Baloch writes in his paper that the British government had abolished the concentration camps when Pir Pagaro Shah Mardan Shah (Father of Pir Sibghatullah Shah-II) promised to arrange 500 militants and financial help during the First World War in 1914. Baloch Sahib’s contention must be based on his own research, but the official correspondence available at Sindh Archives is a big proof that the concentration camps were never abolished. This chapter contains details of official correspondence.

The British authorities’ record includes a list of inmates of concentration camps of Nawabshah and Khipro prepared in 1944-45. Each page of this file bears ‘List of Registration Hur Criminal Tribe Members in Sindh Province’. The list contains the names of 5525 male and female Hurs lodged in camps from 1928 to 1944.

The total number of Hurs lodged in concentration camps exceeds the number mentioned in this list of 1944-45 or earlier in Sardar Yaqoob’s report of 1896, as the record pertaining to this subject seems incomplete. The number of concentration camps, which is said to be 15, also looks doubtful, as at some places 21 such camps were reported in Sindh alone. Moreover, several concentration camps were setup in Indian states where deported Hurs were lodged.

According to some Hurs – Fakir Haji Nangar Hingorjo, Haji Fakir Abdullah Hingoro and several others, interviewed in 1980s, the number of Hurs and their families exceeded two hundred thousands, as five to ten thousand people were lodged in each concentration camp. Abdullah Hingoro told that ten thousand people were confined in each of the camp at Jhol, Sinjhoro, Jarwar near Mirpur Mathelo, Shahdadpur, Mirpur Khas, Warah, Akri, Pithoro, Shadi Pali, Nawabshah, Johi, Khipro etc. One Sanwal Fkir Rajar told that he spent certain period at Shadi Pali and Johi concentration camp where 4500 and 5000 men, women and children were lodged respectively.

(Continues)   

Click here for reading Part -I 

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Excerpts from the prize-winning research-based book ‘Hur – The Freedom Fighter’, authored by Nasir Aijaz, published by Sindh Culture Department in August 2015. 

The post The British savagery against Hur Community in Sindh – Part II first appeared on Sindh Courier.

The Hur women with full zeal for their spiritual leader went shoulder to Shoulder with their male partners. Less has been done to encode such novel characters.

By Zain-ul-Abdin Sodhar, Muhammad Ali Laghari, Nasrullah Kabooro

The Hur movement with its four different phases is a unique chapter against colonial rule in the world history. A movement that vindicated the love of land and fought with famous slogan of Waatan ya Kafan brings the sense of patriotism of the people of Sindh with its land religion, culture and national values. The subject paper narrates the role of Hur women and their participation in the freedom movement. Less has been done to encode such novel characters. With the passage of time these glaring charters have departed to eternal unsung and in obfuscate way. This can be described as great injustice to a freedom movement which has discomfited Colonial power and at last has to evacuate this land after four years of the end of movement. HT Lambrick a British brought the account of Hur movement in negative description but it in other sense brings the viability of the movement and sense consternation for British power in Sindh.

Watch a video on Hur Movement

Muhammad Usman Deeplai brought event of furious fighting of valiant Hur fighters in his famous novel style narrations famously known as Sanghar. This brings viable record of Hur movement specially Male and female freedom fighters, their style of fighting and commitment to their cause. This book also reflects the depth of knowledge of their young supreme leader, his war tactics and his bravery in clear sense.

This paper deeply ponders on the role of Hur women fighters and the sacrifices of Hur women for the noble cause of freedom. The movement which had four different phases but this work is limited to the role of women in the fourth phase of Hur movement fought by Seyed Sibghatullah Shah Pir Pagara famously known as Soorah Badshah in history. Chronicles are of the opinion that Hur movement could have succeeded but the mischief mongering of native feudal community and their collusion with colonial powers on the lieu of fiefs, titles and money has affected it and constrained its success.

Background

Taking the role of women in Hur movement one goes back to 1843, the period of first Hur movement initiated by Pir Sibghatullah Shah Pagara-1, the Hur movement underwent four different Phases but most worthy from history points of view is the fourth stage of Hur Movement launched by Pir Sibghatullah Shah famously known as Soorah Badshah (1909-1943).

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This phase of Hur movement is based Ten years freedom movement, which was portrayed as rebellion by British History and its allied groups in Sindh and sub-continent.

The Pir Pagara and his Hur fighters which included man, women, girls and young children unfolds the movement of the liberation of their land occupied by the colonial rule. The vivacity of the movement from the can be taken from the fact that it shook the British colonial power of Sub-continent. Its supreme leader Pir Pagara had to live prison for Nine years in his 32 years life and was hanged in the age of 32 years and some months.

With this the glorious period of fourth phase of Hur movement has culminated, leaving the chronicles to write the stories of brevity and love with land in the chapters of History. British Commissioner of Sindh HT Lambrick brings the notes of Hur movement in his self-styled narrations with the name of Terrorist, while the natives of land termed the movement as freedom by fight to evacuate the land from colonial powers.

Muhammad Usman Deeplai brings the glaring brevity and valor of Hur women in his famous Novel description with the title of ―Sanghar.

The role of women

The history of British atrocities against the dwellers is never the hidden part of history.

When the Hur movements surfaced with the arrest of Pir Pagara in 1941, his devotees commonly known as Hur took upon them the arrest of their religious and spiritual larder as life and death issue. Men women and children, young and old, all came out of their homes and started a civil disobedience movement against British occupant force. This has resulted mass arrest of people.

The Hur women with full zeal for their spiritual leader went shoulder to Shoulder with their male partners. This can be validated from the fact that British Jails became insufficient place to keep the arrested people, thereafter, Nazi styled concentration camps with the Sindhi name ―Lohras‖ established all over Sindh where the Hur community was inhabiting. According to the facts there were thousands of women and young children‘s imprisoned in these concentration camps.

Imamzadi Wassan in her article on the role of women in Hur movement describes the atrocities of British forces in district Sanghar. She interviewed Sukhan Khaskalli of village Bhiri in her village near Sinjhoro city. She was one character in her movement.

She narrates that in 1941, when Pir Sahib Pagara was arrested; Hurs throughout Sindh came in streets and protested against the arrest of Pir Sahib.

The Hur women were never behind in any event. This has resulted in fury of colonial forces. An incident that has brought lot of anguish in Sindh province was fornication and murder of young shepherd girl Bakhtawar 13 years old of Bhiri village near Sinjhoro, who has taken her cattles in nearby fields; she was captured by the British troops, she was raped and murdered and her body was placed in nearby fields.

Hur women portrayed their bold character during the movement has shaken the British authorities in Sindh. They commanded attacks on British forces, repulsed them back and even in some occasions.

Sukhan recalls the atrocities of one police SHO Daharaj by caste was hailing from Nawab Shah. She says that when this SHO used to enter in the villages, he took everything what was available in their homes. He didn‘t leave even the chicks and the eggs.

Three octogenarian characters of Hur movement who were eye witnesses of the movement were interviewed in 2006 also recorded the role of women in Hur movement.

All three characters were living in village Gulsher Wassan of taluka Sinjhoro. They were Dhanjani, Namali and Hakimzadi. All three in their mid-nineties had active participation in the guerilla fight against British.

She recalls the clash between the Hur Guerilla fighter Bakshan Mochi and British troops near Jamrao, which resulted in the murder of number of British troops. After that event 20 females of the area including these three cited characters were arrested and imprisoned for 12 years till 1952 respectively in Sukkur jail for five years and seven years in concentration camps. She says that during their stay in Hyderabad concentration camps, they were very harshly treated, Involved in different works from dawn to dusk, given insufficient food stuff and many of their young children died due to malnutrition.

She says when Pir Shah Mardan Shah returned from England and held talks with Government of Pakistan; they were released from Hyderabad concentration camps. She remembers the role of Ali Muhammad Rashdi as of a conspirator in her traditional style and says, this traitor was friend of Angreez (English Govt.) and was always behind killing and arrest of Hurs throughout Sindh.

Qaimi, 88, the resident of Makhi forest, the Head quarter of Hur movement narrated the days of Hur movement. She says the major communities living in Makhi area were Junejos, Bhambro, Abupota, Jamali, Wassan, Rajar and Nizamani community. All these people were devotees of Pagara. When Soorah Badshah was arrested, a fierce battle took place between British forces and Hurs near Martyrs ground (Shaheedan Jo Maidan) south of Sanghar city, around 2000 Hurs were arrested, many of them exiled on Indian side, number of them were hanged. Hashim husband of Qaimi was also arrested.

She remembers on night police besieged their homes, she had one rifle with number of cartridges in her home. Her daughter was 17 years old, she was afraid that her daughter might not be taken. She took rifle and cartridges with herself ask her daughter to accompany her to roof top of their home. As she heard noise of the arrival of police she fired shots and soon repulsed police. She says Police felt that numbers of Hur Guerillas are probably hiding. They became afraid and returned. Next morning she and her daughter escaped from their village to their relatives in other area.

She remembers the speech of Soorah Badshah at Grang Banglow, where Pir Sahib had directed all Hur women not to wear bangles till we evacuate occupant forces from Sindh, she says from that day and onwards she has not worn bangles.

Muhammad Usman Deeplai in his masterpiece Sanghar has brought the account of such great females who scintillated themselves in history. The Brief account of such characters is as follows:

Mai Munan Daughter of Noor Muhammad Khaskhelli

She was resident of village Sahib Khan some 12 miles in east of Sanghar City. She used to command a group of 20 females. She fought with police and troops on many occasions. She was arrested at the age of 60 and put in Hyderabad Jail.

Mai Basran

She was resident of Nindo city of Badin district and was married in Sanghar, she now resided near Padri village some 10 KM from Sanghar city. Her group also consisted of 15 females.

Mai Muradana

She was Daughter of Imam Bux Khaskhelli of village Makhan Khaskhelli she too had command of group of Hur Girls ageing between 15 to 20 years. She attacked and killed a Hindu businessman involved in conspiracies against Hurs.

Mai Hawal

Aged 50 decided to command Hur woman in Landhi area near Shahdadpur when her son refused to become a Ghazi. She had attained great fame when she attacked British convoy and exchanged firing for many hours and repulsed British troops.

Mai Begoo Rind

She was another glaring character of Hur Movement. She was resident of village Sahito Khaskalli Her husband was declared as Dacoit and imprisoned. She took the responsibility of Hur women commander. She fought on different occasions and at last arrested and put in concentration camps. Later she joined under the command of Bhai Khan Chang and fought with male Hur Ghazis with valor.

Ashoo Daughter of Usman

She Machi lived Near Bakkar she was middle aged women and commanded Hur women in Sanghar area. She was a good planner and fighter. She too was arrested and imprisoned in concentration camps.

Mai Zahra

She was a gallant woman who uses to disguise herself in military dress. She was famous with her adopted name of Usman. When Martial law was declared on eastern belt of Sindh, she was high target for British troops. She fought many times and successfully escaped.

Mai Parozan

She was resident of Nara Khairpur. She joined Hur women groups of Sanghar. Her groups stayed in Narra and Makhi area she too was source of freight for British troops.

Conclusion

The Hur movement has placed itself in world history through its valiant fighting, Guerilla war tactics and better fighting planning. This war has devastated the strategic power of British colonial rule in Sindh. A movement which enlisted 38000 thousand martyrs, 250000 arrests including women and children and its supreme leader Pir Sibghatullah Shah Alias Soorah Badshah hanged in the age of 33 brings this movement among glaring freedom movements in the history of world.

The role of women in this movement has enhanced its fame. Hur women Guerrilla fighters went shoulder to shoulder with their male partners and encoded unique chapters of brevity and women empowerment. The British documents regarding Hur movement also places the role of women freedom fighters as worthy to mention.

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Courtesy: Sindh University Journal Online

The post Role of Women in Hur Movement first appeared on Sindh Courier.