I am often accused—sometimes even trolled—of being a “Pakistan lover.” Perhaps it is because I have always believed that contact between ordinary people is not just desirable, but essential. We are more than neighbors; we are bound by a shared umbilical cord of history, language, and memory. This piece was first written and published in Punjabi in 2023, soon after I returned from my ancestral village across the border. The renewed chill between our two countries has moved me to translate it now, in the hope that it might speak to a wider audience. May clearer minds and kinder hearts prevail. May the seasons of goodwill return.

By Sukirat

Who are you going to meet in Sialkot?” the visa officer asks. The friend who has sent me the invitation — Hassan Shah — is from Lahore, and his address is listed on my application. For the Sialkot column, I had casually filled in the name of a hotel. But really, who am I going to meet in Sialkot?

“My ancestors were born in Sialkot,” I reply. “I just want to visit their land. See the village they came from.” I stop short of saying something sentimental like, I wish to do a sajda to that sacred soil.

The officer, kind enough not to press further, includes Sialkot in the list of cities permitted in my visa. I have some idea where I’m going — and also, not quite.

There’s a passing mention in my maternal grandfather’s — who was a well-known Punjabi writer — autobiography: near Daska, in Sialkot district, there is a village called Jamke Cheema. Two girls from that village had been childhood friends. They were married around the same time, became pregnant around the same time, and made a pact: if one had a son and the other a daughter, they would marry their children to each other and turn their friendship into a permanent kinship. As fate would have it, in the month of Vaisakh, 1895, one gave birth to a daughter, the other to a son. That son and daughter — promised to each other even before birth — would become my maternal grandparents: Shivdei (later Jagjit Kaur) and Gurbakhsh Singh Preetlari.

And now, 127 years later, one of their great-grandsons was coming to see their village.

I also have a faded black-and-white photograph — a large family portrait, likely taken during a wedding or some other celebration.

In one corner, seated in the first row among the children, is my mother. She appears to be about six years old, so I estimate the picture dates to 1934 or 1935. There are about 34 or 35 people in the photo: three generations of a family standing and sitting in a courtyard, behind them a colonnaded verandah with tall arches.

I’ve also been told — by older relatives — that there was a large tree in the courtyard, and the house had its own well.

I know one of my great-grandmothers was named Malni. Her name appears in my grandfather’s writings, and is engraved on the gate of his home in Preet Nagar (near Amritsar). No one alive now remembers the name of my other great-grandmother. But my last remaining Mamu, Hirdaypal Singh, remembers the name of his Nanu, Sultan Singh Ahluwalia — who was a goldsmith by trade, and the long-serving sarpanch of Jamke Cheema before Partition.

Armed with these clues, I set out for Jamke Cheema in late November 2022, 75 years after Partition.

Hassan Shah has lent me a car and driver. With me is Ali Usman Bajwa, a young Punjabi writer from Lahore. His roots, too, trace back to a village near Sialkot.

We drive from Lahore to Sialkot along the newly built motorway. Within an hour and a half, we start seeing signs pointing toward Daska. Turning off the main highway, we make our way down narrower roads. I open Google Maps for good measure.

If I were to forget for a moment that I’m in Pakistan, this could easily be a village in Indian Punjab — the same irregular lanes, patchwork of small and large houses, the same carefree children darting through the streets.

“You have reached your destination,” announces a female voice. How would Google know what my destination really is? Do I even know it myself? We park the car in a wide but empty street. But where now?

Ali spots an elderly man frying pakoras in a stall nearby. “Babaji,” he asks, “which is the oldest part of the village?”

“Whose house are you looking for?” the man asks. “This guest is from India,” Ali explains. “His ancestors lived here. His great-grandfather was the sarpanch before Partition. He was a goldsmith by profession.”

Hearing this, the man insists we join him for pakoras, but we decline with grateful apologies.

“Go further down the main road,” he says. “Take a right — there’s an old bazaar. The oldest lanes of the village start from there. But how will you find the house? Try asking from Ralla, the goldsmith.” As we start walking away, he calls out, “Further down the main road is the high school, it’s from before Partition. Take a look there too.”

The old bazaar reminds me of Jalandhar’s narrow market lanes — crowded, chaotic, brimming with shops selling odds and ends. For a village, this is quite a large bazaar. Perhaps Jamke Cheema is no longer a village — it has grown into a small town.

We duck into several lanes, peering into homes. But I doubt that any of these narrow streets once housed the kind of courtyard home — with its arches, a private well and the big jamun tree — that I’m seeking.

Still, Ali enthusiastically takes pictures of every house that has flaking plaster revealing Nanakshahi bricks underneath, or windows designed in a particular style — small ventilators partially covered with cornices.

“Windows like these were typical of Sikh homes,” he says. “A few such houses still survive in my village.”

Ali seems more convinced than I am that my house must still be standing here somewhere. His innocent faith moves me. In Pakistan, I’ve met several young people like him — eager to welcome guests from India. Such warmth kindles hope in my heart for a better future between our nations, despite the toxic winds blowing back home.

Ali is keen to explore a few more lanes, but I feel this search is unlikely to yield anything concrete. For me, it’s enough to know that once upon a time, Malni and her friend — my other great-grandmother — would have walked these very streets. That they might have bought bangles from these shops, or had fabric measured for their children’s clothes…

“Come on, Ali, let’s go to the school,” I say. “It’s old enough — some ancestor of mine surely studied there.” I cling to this slender thread of hope. Bold white letters across the top read: Government High School, Jamke Cheema, Tehsil Daska.

The walls are high, and the iron gate is taller still, guarded by a watchman. Outsiders aren’t allowed in without reason. But Ali’s declaration — “He’s a guest from India” — works like khul ja sim sim. In Pakistan, especially small towns, this simple phrase unlocks all doors, no matter how rusted or firmly shut.

The headmaster is away, but we’re respectfully invited to wait in his office. Soon, Assistant Headmaster Muhammad Arshad Aulakh joins us, along with a staff member named Muhammad Jameel. Both were born in Jamke, and are at least a decade younger than me. “If you’d come 10 or 15 years earlier, we could’ve found everything. My father was still alive then, and remembered the old times well,” Jameel remarks.

I show them the family photo on my phone. They study it closely; and offer a guess. But even as I hold out hope, I know in my heart that the chances of finding that exact house intact are next to none.

Suddenly, one of them suggests, “Call Rai Abdul Hamid Chopra!” The other dials a number: “Rai Sahib, please come quickly — there’s a guest from Jalandhar here.”

My attention fixes on the name: Cheema-Bajwa family names amongst Jatts are common in Pakistan, but this is the first time I’ve heard of a Muslim with the common Punjabi Khatri gote — Chopra.

While waiting for Chopra Sahib, Jameel shares the school’s history: “This is one of the oldest in our area. It began as a Persian madrassa in 1856, became a middle school in 1901, and was upgraded in 1931.”

The school is actually a cluster of multi-storey buildings with open courtyards between them for students to move and play. All buildings are flanked by arched verandahs identical to those in my photograph. ‘Could this be the very haveli?’ My longing heart wallows in illusion, but reason swiftly dashes the hope: ‘This school likely predates even that mansion.’ Still, my yearning won’t release its grip on imagination’s swing: ‘What if my Nanaji, or one of my great-grandfathers studied here, ran across these very grounds…?’

A few minutes later, Rai Abdul Hamid Chopra arrives. Unlike the younger, clean-shaven faces of Jameel and Arshad, he sports a traditionally groomed white beard — though the upper part of his moustache is shaved.

“You’ve come from India?” he asks. But before I can reply, he pulls me into a warm embrace — not once, but three times. “From Jalandhar? Where do you live there? You were born in Jalandhar, yes?” he bombards me with questions, still holding my hand in his. I begin to wonder — did his ancestors come from Jalandhar or a nearby village? On earlier visits to Pakistan, I’ve often met people who, upon hearing I’m from the city their elders fled during Partition, instantly invite me home. It’s enough that someone from the place their forefathers once left behind has returned — however briefly.

But no — like the others, Rai Sahib was also born here. His family has lived in Jamke Cheema for generations. Among all those present, he is the eldest.

We show him the photograph. I mention my great-grandfather’s name: Sultan Singh Ahluwalia. It doesn’t ring a bell — Rai Sahib was born a few years after Partition.

Still, he recognizes the house. “This house,” he tells those around us, “used to belong to so-and-so. Then it was sold. Later it was demolished, and so-and-so built their homes there.” And then, without my prompting, he adds, “There used to be a well in the courtyard. And a large jamun tree. Now, there are many small houses in its place.”

I don’t know why, but his words stir conflicting emotions within me. That I have seen the house. And that I don’t want to see what stands in its place. Perhaps I want to preserve in my mind the image of the home with an open courtyard — the one from the photograph.

Read: ‘Mansur Al-Hallaj’ – A book authored by a Sikh Scholar

Still holding my hand in his, Chopra Sahib begins to tell me his own story.

His family, he says, were originally Hindu Chopras — landowners in the village. When Partition came, the family split. Most of them migrated to India, but his father stayed behind — to guard the ancestral land and home. When the winds of Partition turned into wildfires, his father had no choice. The Hindu son of the Chopras became Rai Abdul Latif — but he never dropped the Chopra from his name.

And so, even today, amidst a town full of Hassans and Husseins, one Chopra remains.

Holding my hand tightly, he says to me, “My Taya Abu settled in Jalandhar. Dr. Harbans Lal Chopra. He lived near Phagwara Gate, in Pakka Bagh. A well-known doctor — you must have heard of him?”

I had, indeed. I remember the name from when Jalandhar was still a small town. I tell him so. He squeezes my hand even tighter.

“Have you ever been to India?” I ask.

“Until 1981,” he replies. “I used to go. But then, one by one, all the elders passed away. And all my brothers now hold government jobs in India…” He doesn’t finish the sentence, but I understand.

Citizens of nations that eye each other as adversaries are burdened by strange, invisible restrictions — caught in webs of paranoia, victims of politics’ chokehold. Even friendly meetings take place under the shadow of politics, history, and barbed-wire borders.

I find myself now gently stroking his hand in return. Rai Sahib wants to take us to his home. But time is short — we must get to our next stop. Before we part, I’m swept into tight, lingering farewells — gestures that carry more yearning than words ever could. The kind of parting that dares to hope there may one day be a reunion.

Through the glass, we wave our final goodbyes. Just then, the front door swings open. Rai Sahib gets in. “One last thing,” he says. “This is important.” He opens his wallet, pulls out a 500-rupee note and hands it to the driver, Rajeel. Then he draws out a 1,000-rupee note and extends it to Ali.

Rajeel looks at me. Ali seems frozen — unsure what to say, what to do.

“No, you must not refuse,” Rai Sahib says to them both. “You brought my brother to me today. This is my offering of gratitude. You must accept it.” Both look toward me, reluctant to accept. “Take it. Don’t refuse…” is all I manage to say, trying not to choke.

I mull over a day that took such an unexpected turn. A Sikh in search of his roots, accompanied by a young Muslim friend and driven by a Christian chauffeur, ended up meeting a Muslim with Hindu ancestry.

The tangled histories of our subcontinent rise to the surface in such moments, reminding me how deeply intertwined our identities remain, despite everything that has tried to pull us apart.

— Sukirat Singh Anand publishes under the name Sukirat

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Courtesy: The Tribune India 

The post A Sikh in search of his roots first appeared on Sindh Courier.

• They reflect the cultural heritage within the dynamic Shikarpur district and thus highlight the district’s rich religious diversity.
• Previously, several wooden doors in temples and darbars in Garhi Yasin depicted Hindu deities and Sikh Gurus – but most were removed during renovations and expansions

Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro

Madeji, a small town in the Garhi Yasin taluka of Shikarpur, is famous for its Hindu temples and darbars. There are about six temples and darbars in Madeji, each with its own unique history and significance. In the Shahi Bazaar, the Sant Baba Jairam Das Udasi Darbar is believed to have been built before the partition. Sant Baba Jairam Das was an eminent Udasi saint. The darbar has been renovated now.

As one enters the spacious courtyard, one notices the carved images of Baba Guru Nanak and his son Baba Sri Chand, on the main doorway. It is rare to see such carved images on wooden doors in the Garhi Yashin taluka. Previously, several wooden doors in temples and darbars in Garhi Yasin depicted Hindu deities and Sikh Gurus. However, most doors were removed during renovations and expansions. Nevertheless, one can still see a carved image of Baba Guru Nanak with his companions Bhai Bala and Bhai Mardana on the wooden door of Sheva Das Darbar in Garhi Yasin town.

Another important detail at the main entrance is the name of the Darbar, written as “Udasi Sant Baba Jairam Das Darbar Madeji,” with the year 2003 inscribed on the gateway’s facade. It seems that 2003 marks the year of the Darbar’s renovation, not its construction. As one enters, one will notice a Shiva lingam on the left. While entering the Darbar room, one notices the Takhat (throne) on which Guru Granth Sahib is placed. To the right of Takhat Sahib, five alcoves on the wall display pictures of Baba Guru Nanak, Sikh and Hindu saints. The first alcove has a picture of Baba Guru Nanak, the second has Sant Baba Mayya Das, the third has Sant Baba Jairam Das, the fourth has Sant Baba Shiv Bhajan, and the fifth has Baba Gobind Ram.

Kali Mata and Pooj Samadha Dham are two newly built temples in Madeji’s Hindu Mohalla. While entering the Kali Mata temple complex, one notices Shiva lingam and Akhand Jyot of Julelal in a room

Sant Baba Mayya Das was a Udasi saint and the 10th Gadisar of Udasin Ji Darbar or Mandir, which was founded by Chetandas Udasi in the 18th century. Now, this darbar is named after its 9th Gadisar Sant Jamnadas. The Jamnadas Darbar is located in Nauhahro Feroz’s Shahi Bazaar. Baba Shiva Bhajan was also an Udasi saint and 6th Gadisar of Pooj Udasin Samadha Ashram in Shikarpur. Sant Baba Gobind Ram (d 2003) was the 8th Gadisar of the Shadani Darbar, which was founded by Sant Shadaram (d 1793) in Ghokti’s Hayat Pitafi village.

After Sant Baba Jairam Das’s death, Sant Baba Teerath Das became the Gadisar (custodian) of the darbar and migrated to Kanpur, India, where he lived most of his life. He originally hailed from Madeji town. Baba Haridas is the current custodian of the Sant Baba Jairam Das Darbar and resides in Kanpur. There is also a branch of the Sant Baba Jairam Das Darbar in Kanpur, India. The Sant Baba Jairam Das Darbar in Madeji is now maintained by the previous Mukhi Sunder Das under the supervision of the Hindu Panchayat Madeji. Different festivals and ceremonies are performed in this darbar.

Apart from Sant Baba Jairam Das Darbar, Baba Hari Ram Darbar is another old religious place in Madeji town. It is located in the old town committee area of Madeji. Udasi saint Baba Hari Ram founded this darbar. One enters through the gate to the spacious courtyard that leads to the main Darbar hall. The Darbar hall has a Takhat sahib on which the Guru Granth Sahib is placed. To the right of the Takht sahib are seven alcoves on the wall that show pictures of Hindu deities, Sikh Gurus and saints. In the first alcove, there is a depiction of Baba Guru Nanak; the second features Guru Gobind Singh; the third showcases Sant Satramdas; the fourth contains the image of Sant Hari Ram (after whom this darbar is named), the fifth displays Shiva, the sixth presents Durga, and the seventh exhibits Baba Roop Bhajan.

Above the alcoves are depictions of Sikh Gurus, Hindu deities, and saints. Positioned on the step of the Takhat Sahib is a portrayal of the Udasi saints of Pooj Udasin Samadha Ashram in Shikarpur. Also, the image of Sain Vasan Shah, whose darbar is situated in Rohri overlooking the Indus River, is displayed on the Takhat Sahib. Adjacent to the Takhat Sahib, a poster featuring Baba Ram Das, the present Gadisar of Jamnadas Darbar in Naushero Feroze, is exhibited.

After the death of Sant Baba Hari Ram, Hari Ram, another Udasi saint with the same name, became the Gadisar of Darbar. He was succeeded by Fakkar Das. Fakkar Das was succeeded by Manglo. After the death of Manglo, another Hari Ram from Shikarpur city became shivadar of this darbar. Today, Hari Ram Darbar is managed by the Hindu Panchayat of Madeji.

Bhai Mehro is another historically significant darbar on the same street as Baba Hari Ram Darbar. Although limited information is available about Bhai Mehro, it is known for its simple yet tranquil ambience, with a majestic pipal tree gracing its courtyard.

The main chamber of the darbar is adorned with posters of Hindu deities and saints, and Sikh Gurus and saints, creating a rich and serene atmosphere that invites deep contemplation and spiritual reflection for all the devotees and followers.

Apart from Bhai Mehro Darbar, another pre-partition old religious place for Hindus of Madeji town is the temple of Raja Veer, which is located in Adh Makani Mohalla adjacent to the Soomra Mohalla. According to Mukhi Satram Das, the temple of Raja Veer was initially a simple structure, subsequently undergoing reconstruction and expansion. Upon entering the temple, a prominent pipal tree is observed in the courtyard alongside a Shiva lingam.

Read: The Historic Pooj Udasin Samadha Ashram of Shikarpur Sindh

The main temple chamber contains the Bhagavad Gita and an Akhand Jyot of Jhulelal housed within a domed structure. To the right of the domed structure, there are five alcoves on the wall. These alcoves feature images of Sant Satramdas, Raja Veer Vikramajit, and Jhulelal, as well as pictures of Sikh Gurus, Hindu deities, and saints. An image of Sant Baba Mayya Das is also placed in one of the alcoves on a wall near the central doorway to the temple chamber.

It’s worth noting that Jhulelal is depicted riding a horse, which is different from his more common portrayal, where he is shown seated or standing on a palla fish. The figure of Raja Veer, also known as Amir Pir, in the religious history of Sindh has not been thoroughly studied. The most famous place associated with him is the village of Aminani Sharif in Dadu. On the facade of the building is written “Amir Pir Rajal Veer.” The Astan of Amir Pir, located in Jhimpir, Thatta, overlooking the bank of Keenjhar Lake, is a most sacred place and is revered by the Ismailis of Sindh. Raja Veer Vikramajeet’s temples can also be found in other towns of Sindh, with the most impressive one located at Thano Ahmad Khan in Jamshoro.

Kali Mata and Pooj Samadha Dham are two newly built temples in Madeji’s Hindu Mohalla. While entering the Kali Mata temple complex, one notices Shiva lingam and Akhand Jyot of Julelal in a room. There is a hall in the temple where one can see an image of Kali Mata and Bhagavad Gita.

Read: Swami Shankaranand Bharti Temple of Shikarpur Sindh

Adjacent to the temple of Kali Mata is the devri of Sain Sacho Satramdas (SSD). An image of Sant Satramdas is placed in this Devri. The foundation of Sain Sacho Satramdas Devri was laid by Sain Sadh Ram, the Gadisar of Devri Sahib, also called Sant Satramdas Dham (SSD) in Ghotki’s Raherki village, on 9th April 1993. Different festivals and rituals are held in this temple complex.

In addition to the Kali Mata temple, there is another temple called Pooj Samadha Dham in the Hindu Mohalla of Madeji. The Pooj Samadha Dham was founded by the current Gadisar Swami Narain Bhajan of Pooj Udasin Samadha Ashram in Shikarpur on December 3, 2012. In the main hall of the Pooj Samadha Dham, Guru Granth Sahib and Bhagavad Gita are placed in the Takhat Sahib. Pictures of Baba Shiv Bhajan, Jhulelal, Baba Sri Chand, Baba Guru Nanak, Baba Roop Bhajan, Durga Mata, and Radha and Krishna are also placed on the Takhat sahib. On the left of Takhat Sahib, there are six alcoves on walls showing the images of Baba Sri Chand (the founder of Udasi Panth) and Udasi saints of Pooj Samadha Udasin Ashram in Shikarpur, including Baba Har Bhajan (the founder and first Gadisar of Pooj Udasin Samadha Ashram Shikarpur), Baba Ram Bhajan (2nd Gadisar), Roop Bhajan (3rd Gadisar), Baba Kishan Bhajan (4th Gadisar), Baba Gobind Bhajan (5th Gadisar) and Baba Shiv Bhajan (6th Gadisar). The image of Roop Bhajan is placed within a glass panel in an alcove.

The temples and darbars of Madeji hold significant religious importance for the community. They reflect the cultural heritage within the dynamic Shikarpur district and thus highlight the district’s rich religious diversity.

Read: Haven For The Elderly: Shikarpur’s Pre-Partition Budha Ashram

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The writer is an anthropologist. He has authored 16 books on Pakistan’s cultural heritage and anthropology. He tweets @kalhorozulfiqar

Courtesy: The Friday Times Lahore (Posted on October 11, 2024)

The post Temples and Darbars of Madeji Town of Sindh first appeared on Sindh Courier.

RATTAN SINGH (SIRPENTAPOTAMIA)

The Vaikom Satyagraha was a protest for access to the Sri Vaikom Mahadev Mandir by lower caste peoples, mostly Ezhavas in 1924. Lower caste individuals were also forbidden walking on any of the roads leading up to the mandirs. At the time, the town of Vaikom was administrated under the princely state of Travancore, which infamously had a rigid caste system in place.

Amongst the lower caste peoples of Kerala, Ezhavas comprised the clear majority alongside the Channans, Cherumas, Pulayas and Parayas. Even though, the caste system in Kerala had historically been rigid, even to the extent of impacting the life of Syriac Christians, reformers began to spring up such as Sri Narayana Guru, promoting social equality.

As a public agitation, the Vaikom Satyagraha gained support from various different communities. Congress leaders like Rajagopalachari and Periyar would later join and give aid to the activists, seeing it as an anti-colonial protest paving the way for Indian independence; akin to their support for the Akali movement. It was resolved towards the end of 1925 and the mandir roads were made public.

The Akalis at Vaikom

Christians, Muslims, Buddhists and Aryasamajists were among the groups interested in the socio-political ramifications of the Vaikom Satyagraha and all sought to extend their influence for proselytization. Similarly, an Akali jatha travelled from Punjab to Vaikom to establish a langar.

Lower caste individuals were also forbidden walking on any of the roads leading up to the mandirs.

The Akali jatha was led by Lal Singh and Kirpal Singh but was stopped by Mahatma Gandhi. He believed the Vaikom Satyagraha should rely less on outsiders and be led by the local volunteers instead. After this, the Akali jatha was often looked at with distrust and were denounced by the local press. Mahatma Gandhi felt similarly about other proselytizing groups such as the Christians and also rebuked them publicly because he believed the orthodox Hindus may see it as other religions disrupting order for the intent of conversion rather than it being led organically by lower caste peoples.

The Sikhs of Kerala

Shortly after, the SGPC sent a delegation of Sikhs to Kerala and a group of Ezhavas came to Amritsar to learn more about Sikhi. In 1936, the SGPC’s Sarb Hind Mission was inaugurated, where Sikh missionaries were sent to all parts of India, including Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Kerala. Under this mission, Master Tara Singh and Sardar Lal Singh visited Kerala and constructed a few gurudwaras in Malabar.

On the Vaisakhi of 1936, some 300 families converted to Sikhi. An Ezhava leader, KC Kuttan, became Sardar Jaya Singh and his associates also became Sikh. On the 15th of June 1936, a ceremony took place at Sardar Jaya Singh’s house where 25 people converted to Sikhi. These Sikhs later opened coir factories for the benefit of new converts who were often shunned from society.

In November 1936, the Maharaja of Travancore issued a proclamation that all roads and schools would be for public use, irrespective of caste.

The Sarb Hind Mission had an office in Ernakulam and Ranni in Kerala. They also gained many followers in Maravanthuruthu, Karappuram and Muhamma. Newspapers reported that up to 800 people had converted to Sikhi in Kerala.

In November 1936, the Maharaja of Travancore issued a proclamation that all roads and schools would be for public use, irrespective of caste. This caused many of the Sikh converts to revert back to Hinduism.

Aftermath and influence

Of the aforementioned converts, only a few converts would remain Sikh after. A few converts like Bhuvender Singh, Kirpal Singh and Renjith Singh would start Kerala Sikh Mission and begin missionary work.

Singukandam was a village named after a Ezhava convert from Kerala, named Teja Singh, formerly Ramankutty. He moved to Punjab in the 1920s and later moved back Kerala in the 1930s. He set a company named ‘Guru Ramdas Works’, which functioned as a coir factory. The economic impact of WW2 would ruin the company and so he would live out his days as a cultivator in Singukandam. However, landlords would prevent him to do so and burn his house down alongside his saroop of the Sri Guru Granth Sahib.

During 1984, Kirpal Singh was captured by college students but was saved thusly after and sent to his home under full police protection. However, these incidents affected his son’s religiosity, leading him to becoming irreligious. Similarly, others in the community did the same, leading to less religious Sikhs in Kerala.

As of now, there are a few Ezhava Sikh elders alongside a community of Punjabi Sikhs living in Kerala. There are currently functioning gurudwaras in Kochi, Kannur and Thiruvananthapuram.

Read: Hindus, Sikhs build mosques for Muslim villagers in Indian Punjab

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Courtesy: The Khalsa Chronicle (Published on May 27, 2024) Received by e-mail

The post The Vaikom Satyagraha – A Movement against Caste System first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro

Shikarpur was once home to a large number of temples, darbars, Dharamshalas, and marhis which were noted for wall paintings. Today, a few have survived that with wall paintings that are intact. The majority of the sacred spaces have either been abandoned, disappeared, or occupied.

One popular revered site that survives is Sant Balakram Ji Marhi, which is situated near Lakhidar (Lakhi Gate) in Shikarpur City.

This Marhi is named after the Hindu mystic Sant Balakram. One learns from Munhijo Watan Munhija Mahnoon by Lok Ram Dodeja (1993) that Sant Balakram was known for his piety. He used to pray at the bank of Sindh Wah in Shikarpur. He used to spend most of his time at Mata Marhi as well. According to Dada Reva Chand, a notable of Shikarpur city, after partition, Baba Balakram mandir was also established in Ulhasnagar, India.

It is not known when Sant Balakram died. It is said that he died before the partition of 1947. Balakam Ji Marhi was a huge complex that included both religious and secular structures.

I was interested in wall paintings of Shikarpur, so I visited and revisited Sant Balakram Ji Marhi several times as it attracted me for two reasons, one for its paintings and the second for woodwork. This Marhi is among the few surviving structures in Shikarpur that depict impressive paintings and woodwork. The main doorway of the Balakram Ji Marhi is noted for depictions of Guru Nanak along with his two companions Bhai Bala and Bhai Mardana. This theme of Guru Nanak with Bhai Bala and Bhai Mardana was picked and used by Shikarpuri artists on wooden doors of temples, darbars, and havelis. There are still several havelis, maaris, marhis, mandirs and darbars which contain the images of Guru Nanak with Bhai Bala and Bhai Mardana, Unfortunately, the majority of wooden doors of havelis that represented Guru Nanak with his companions Bhai Bala and Bhai Mardana has been removed and sold out!

The Balakram Ji Marhi is adorned with paintings representing themes from the Hindu scriptures Ramayana, Mahabharata, Vishnu Purana, Gita Govinda etc. Apart from Hindu deities and saints, it also depicts Sikh gurus and saints.

There are four avatars of Vishnu- Matsya (fish), Kurma (tortoise), Rama, and Krishna- painted on the walls of Sant Balakram Ji Marhi

As one enters Sant Balakram Ji Marhi, one notices the Takhat (throne) where the Guru Granth Sahib is placed. Takhat is surrounded by photos of Hindu deities, saints, and Sikh gurus. On top of that are placed pictures of Guru Nanak with Bhai Bala and Bhai Mardana. The walls of this Marhi are painted with Hindu deities, mystics, and Sikh Gurus. Paintings in Sant Balakram Ji Marhi appear to have been first made before partition and repainted most probably in the 1960s and 1970s. The walls of Marhi depict the Sikh gurus- Guru Nanak, Guru Angad, Guru Amar Das, Guru Ram Das, Guru Arjan, Guru Hargobind, Guru Har Rai, Guru Har Kishan, Guru Tegh Bahadur and Guru Gobind Singh. On one of the walls of Marhi is depicted Guru Nanak with Bhai Bala and Bhai Mardana.

Apart from this, one finds a painting of Bhai Kanaya Lal Bhatio alias Bhai Gurdas, the founder of Khatwari Dharamshala or darbar in Shikarpur, who is shown holding a water bowl and standing before Guru Gobind Singh. A similar painting of Bhai Gurdas holding a water bowl before Guru Gobind Singh can also be seen in other temples and darbars in Shikarpur, the most prominent one at the main Khatwari Darbar in Meena bazaar. Apart from this, one can also see a painting of Bhagat Kanwar Ram. He was born on April 13, 1885, in Mirpur Mathelo’s Jarwar village. Bhagat Kanwar Ram (d 1939) was a famous Sufi singer and poet. He was a disciple of Sant Saeen Satramdas (b 1866 – d 1910).

There is also a painting of Jhulelal/Varun Dev who is shown standing on his vahana (that is, his mount), the palla fish. Generally, for Muslim devotees, he is Shaikh Tahir and for Hindus, he is known as Oderolal and Jhulelal. He is variously called Jhulelal Oderolal, Amar Lal, Darya Pir, Darya Shah, Khwaja Khizr, Zinda Pir, and Shaikh Tahir. The main fortified temple complex of Oderolal or Jhulelal is located at Oderolal village in Sanghar’s Tando Adam taluka. The two old temples of Jhulelal in Shikarpur are located in Dhak Bazaar, known as Jugal Piyari Than, and Sajal Sher at Sivi Dar (Sivi Gate) respectively. Both temples have undergone renovations several times. Jugal Piyari Than is now being rebuilt. Jugal piyara Than was also noted for paintings and carved images of Krishna, Jhulelal, and Gadisars (custodians) of the temple, on the wooden door.

There are four avatars of Vishnu- Matsya (fish), Kurma (tortoise), Rama, and Krishna- painted on the walls of Sant Balakram Ji Marhi.

To the left of the painting of Jhulelal is depicted the coronation of Rama (seventh avatar of Vishnu) by Sage Vasishtha. Rama is seated with Sita on the throne under a bejewelled canopy. Rama’s forehead is being anointed with sacred tilak by sage Vasishtha. This scene of the coronation of Rama also shows gods, sages (rishis), and brothers of Rama. On the left, three gods stand behind sage Vasishtha. First in the row stands four-headed Brahma followed by Vishnu and Shiva. The second row depicts the monkey god Hanuman with his allies. Before Hanuman is a figure of another rishi. Below the throne of Rama is shown Ganesha. Behind Rama’s throne stands his brothers Lakshmana, Bharata and Shatrughna.

On the same wall is represented the scene of Samudra Manthana (churning of the ocean of milk). Just opposite to this depiction on the other wall of Marhi is painted Shiva and Parvati. There is also a depiction of Matsya, the Fish avatar of Vishnu, on a wall of the Marhi.

There is also a depiction of Ganesha with his wives Siddhi and Riddi. Krishna and Radha are also painted on one of the walls of Marhi.

Adjacent to Balakram Ji Marhi is located Shivalo where one can see lingam and Nandi. Behind the Balakram Ji Marhi structure is located old Mata Marhi. In the same street also exists the Hanuman temple. In this street are found houses which are noted for beautiful wooden carved brackets.

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The author is an anthropologist and author of over a dozen books. He tweets at: @Kalhorozulfiqar

Courtesy: The Friday Times Lahore (Posted on December 7, 2023)

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The Punjab is the creation of the Sikh colonist, the Sikh warrior, and the Sikh cultivator

San Francisco

Sarbloh Studio Publishing has announced the re-publication of Sadhu Swarup Singh’s book ‘The Sikhs Demand Their Homeland’, because it offers a unique opportunity to breathe new life into a classic, although seemingly unknown, work.

Originally Published in 1946, the tract is one of the few surviving pieces of literature that give a first-hand account of the charged political climate. A release date for this book will be announced shortly.

“Historically, to think of the Punjab is to think of the Sikhs. In solemn truth, the Punjab is the creation of the Sikh colonist, the Sikh warrior, and the Sikh cultivator.”

“In fact, in asking for a Sikh State, we don’t make a new demand, we only ask for the return of our homeland, our holy land. The last power that fell to your predatory mission of the 19th century in India was our independent kingdom in the Punjab.”

Background

Colonial Punjab’s freedom struggle against British rule came to a head with deliberations on the transfer of power in the 1940s. In The Sikhs Demand Their Homeland, lawyer Sadhu Swarup Singh combats those who dismissed the legitimacy of Sikh claims to independence and nationhood. His writings continue to provide valuable insights into the political landscape of that time.

Journey into a political landscape where identity and heritage teeter on the edge of extinction. A proud and powerful nation, the Sikhs find themselves locked in struggle against a succession of external riles. Stripped of empire and influence, their identity under siege, and their voice marginalized, they battle for political and cultural survival within rapidly shifting power equations in late-colonial India. The echoes of this struggle resonate even today, as the Sikh community grapples with ongoing political and cultural upheaval.

In fact, in asking for a Sikh State, we don’t make a new demand, we only ask for the return of our homeland, our holy land

Singh’s prescient words underscore the dire need for a sanctuary— a homeland where their culture can be preserved, their traditions upheld, with the freedom to chart their own course. The alternative is a slow march towards extinction. Persuasive and forceful, Singh’s landmark work, The Sikhs Demand Their Homeland, offers an evocative and polemical defense of this historical narrative, illuminating the trials of a nation on the brink of disappearance.

Foreword

“Sardar Sadhu Swarup Singh in his popular booklet titled The Sikhs Demand Their Homeland, addresses the top-ranking representatives of the Britanic Majesty, with its publishing in 1946, coming shortly after all principal premier Sikh formations, namely the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC), Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), and the Chief Khalsa Diwan (CKD) supporting a demand for a Sikh State on March 22, 1946. A response to the Annual Conference of the Muslim League held in March 1940, Lahore, whereupon a demand for a sovereign Muslim State was made and that all areas in which they were in a majority be constituted into Pakistan which was becoming to the imminent creation, fruition, of the Islamic State of Pakistan…”

Simranjeet Singh Rahi is a locum optometrist in the day and archivist, historian at night. As the grandson of Giani Pritam Singh, erstwhile General Secretary of the Shiromani Akali Dal U.K. under the presidency of Jathedar Shingara Singh of Smethwick, England, he was inspired to dive deep into Sikh political thought and action. He was the founder-president of the Sikh Students’ Federation (Aston University) Branch, which sought to “arouse a political consciousness amongst members of the society,” with the hosting of educational seminars & conferences. He continues with his efforts towards this end; thus, he provides an in-depth, yet succinct context to this writing.

Introductory Essay

“It is impossible to miss the incisive exploration around cardinal themes of nationhood, political ascendancy, religious liberty, and the multifaceted nature of India’s diversity. Singh’s discourse probes the issues Sikhs face living in an incredibly diverse nation, challenging the concept of a singular, unified Indian nation. The poignant statement when referring to how the Indian National Congress is neither Indian nor National, “It could not be Indian first for the adjective Indian describes nothing… National it could not be in the face of there being so many nations in the country…” encapsulates this…”

Jaskanwar Singh is an independent scholar and Vidyaarthi at Bunga Azaadi (Institute for Azadist Studies), deeply interested in the intersections of Sikh philosophy, history, and politics. As the author of The Sikhs and the Prospect of Pakistan, he offers a unique exploration of Sikh politics leading up to the pivotal partition in 1947. He has deep affection for Punjab and Punjabiyat, and he spent time participating in, and documenting, the Kisan Morcha.

Appendices

For a better reading experience, Sarbloh Studio included extensive appendices. The republication of this book is dedicated to Sardar Darshan Singh Pheruman, therefore appendix A includes the speech of Sirdar Kapur Singh hailing him as the first Shaheed or martyr of the Sikh homeland. Additionally, Sohan Singh Seetal’s ballad in honor of Sardar Darshan Singh Pheruman’s martyrdom is included in the book. Vaar Shaheedi S. Darshan Singh Pheruman, published in the collection Seetal Vaaraan December 30, 1972, has been beautifully translated by Mahavira Singh.

Simranjeet Singh Rahi offered his help with the compilation and digitization of historical maps, photographs, and open-letters. Thus, appendix B will also offer supplemental material relating to the cause, Sarbloh Studio said in announcement.

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Received the press released from Sarbloh Studio, a San Francisco-based art and publishing organization, through email on December 5, 2023   

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PHULA SINGH

Born April 20th, 1930, Sant Ram Udasi was a Sikh poet from a landless religious background. He wrote poetry that we today know as Dalit poetry. Dalit poetry emerged as a means of sharing the experiences, struggles and lives of individuals belonging to the Dalit community who have faced caste based discrimination. Sant Ram Udasi specifically emerged as a poet out of the Naxalite movement which encapsulated using Marxist language as a means of critiquing state or socially enforced means of the oppression – specifically for Dalits.

Many Dalit conscious writers and poets very overtly cite their caste and/or social class as the reasons for their own struggles. Sant Ram Udasi differed from other poets that originated from the Naxalite movement, in that he never overtly cited his own caste nor other castes as a basis for his own predicament in the face of an oppressive system – whether that is the caste system or the State’s use of violence, which often overlapped with caste themes. Despite everything, Sant Ram Udasi remained primarily a Sikh and a Sikh poet, as evidenced through his writings, unlike many Naxalite and Dalit conscious poets contemporary to Sant Ram Udasi.

Due to his own poverty, combined with his growing connection to the communist party, he began to frame his worldview of competing classes, which is seen throughout his poetry

During Sant Ram Udasi’s early years, he was influenced a lot by Sikhi and the Kooka or Naamdhari movement, and wrote specific praises in the form of a poem to Namdhari Guru Partap Singh:

I have come to reveal

My heart pierced by grief

Intoxicated in your love I have come to rekindle the lamps of union (Namdhari Guru Partap Singh)

In praise of Guru Gobind Singh Ji, he writes

Don’t call him guru of one sect

He is heir to common people, their

Critic of customs and

That’s why he is beloved of everybody

In his early years, Sant Ram Udasi gets disillusioned with Sikh sects after seeing their practices and customs have drifted away from the egalitarian principles of Sikhi, which empowered all castes. This realization and his own poverty, combined with his growing connection to the communist party he began to frame his worldview of competing classes, which is seen throughout his own poetry. His leftist ideology is clearly visible in his poems ‘Dunia Bhar de Kameon’, ‘Lalkar Mazdooran de Naam’, ‘Lenin de Naam’ or ‘Bourgeois de Tane Bane’ due to the language he uses to depict the oppressed and downtrodden common man.

His leftist ideology is clearly visible in his poems

Throughout these works, you can see a very folk tradition being projected into his poetry, and consistent with this folk theme is seen in how Sant Ram Udasi even sang many of his poems; a practice consistent with traditional folk culture. In Siri te Jat di Sanjhi Vithya de Naam, Sant Ram Udasi depicts both the Jat and the laborer (siri) as both being victims of exploitation and unfair treatment, and chooses the use words that unify both the Jat and the laborer/siri, rather than antagonize one or the other. He writes:

Diesel drank our blood, drop by drop

Fertilizers eroded our bones

Mortgage papers of the bank

Eye the piles of grains

Both of them wish

You were dressed in tatters in our fields

My youthful crop

May you come out dressed in gold

From the godowns of the rich buyers

Despite coming from a Dalit background, there’s hardly any critique of the Hindu varna system nor direct critiques of the caste system. The words and subjects he chose to talk about was that of unifying the common and downtrodden person and giving them a voice as seen in the poem above.

In spite of having had drifted away and broken off from the Namdhari sect, there’s ample evidence to show he had never broke his faith for Sikhi. Sant Ram Udasi’s sympathetic nature towards the Khalistan movement further evidences this. Along with his fiery critiques of the Delhi government following Operation Blue Star, Sant Ram Udasi wrote ‘Dilliye Dyala Dekh’, a very moving critique of India in support of the Singhs who defended Harmandir Sahib during Operation Blue Star and the wider Kharku Singhs, who Sant Ram Udasi says are the brave men of the village who stood up against tyranny.

ਲਾਲ ਕਿਲੇ ਵਿਚ ਲਹੂ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦਾ ਜੋ ਕੈਦ ਹੈ ।

ਬੜੀ ਛੇਤੀ ਇਹਦੇ ਬਰੀ ਹੋਣ ਦੀ ਉਮੈਦ ਹੈ ।

ਪਿੰਡਾਂ ਵਿਚੋਂ ਤੁਰੇ ਹੋਏ ਪੁੱਤ ਨੀ ਬਹਾਦਰਾਂ ਦੇ,

ਤੇਰੇ ਮਹਿਲੀਂ ਵੜੇ ਕਿ ਵੜੇ ।

Oh Red Fort of Dilli, you hold the blood of countless people imprisoned by you

The repercussions of your karma will be dealt very soon

The brave sons of Punjab’s villages have stood up,

Are the walls of Delhi large enough to contain the ire of these men?

This entire poem is about Aurangzeb martyring the 9th Guru – Guru Tegh Bahadur Sahib, Bhai Mati Das and Bhai Dyala, and the subsequent creation of the Khalsa by Guru Tegh Bahadur son and 10th Guru, Guru Gobind Singh. The Khalsa eventually reached Delhi’s Red Fort and was first taken by Baba Baghel Singh. This entire poem, timed after Operation Blue star is a very staunch condemnation of India’s action and an allegory to actions that happened, and will eventually happen that eventually turned into the period of militancy in Punjab. Sant Ram Singh Udasi took the Sikh stand, and it is clear without a shadow of a doubt he primary saw himself as a Sikh and consciously made an effort to make this the primary inspiration behind his writings. This was a stark difference to other writers, such as Pash (Avtar Singh Sandhu) who often wrote critiques of Khalistan and Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, and like other Naxalite poets, were very direct and overtly political in much of their writings.

Having had combined the traditional folk culture of singing, Sant Ram Udasi utilized these traditional folk mediums to portray a message inspired by Sikh history to uplift all people through his moving poetry, while also foiling Dalit consciousness. Sant Ram Udasi stood alone and was unique in that he did all this without antagonizing others who he also viewed as being oppressed by the system. In this regard, Sant Ram Udasi’s story is very unique and largely untold, and should be understood in the unique Sikh perspective that Sant Ram Udasi had.

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Courtesy: Khalsa Chronicle (Posted on July 23, 2023) Received through email.

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Sindh Courier

The Khalsa Chronicle and Sarbloh Studio Publishing has announced the new republication of ‘Mansur Al-Hallaj’ authored by Sirdar Kapur Singh (1909-1986).

Authored by Sirdar Kapur Singh, known as the ‘National Professor of Sikhism’, the book was originally published in 1970. The composition serves as a monograph and comparative religious tract.

Sirdar Kapur Singh offers a compelling analysis and narration of the martyrdom of a tenth-century Persian mystic, Mansur Al-Hallaj (858-922). Utilizing hagiographical accounts interwoven with theological concepts that approach the universal, Kapur Singh beautifully engages with the subject. Impressively, Mansur’s martyrdom is referenced within the Sikh canon. Texts such as the Sri Nanak Prakash, Pracheen Panth Prakash, and more vividly recount the grave injustice meted to the exalted figure.

Sarbloh Studio Publishing has updated the formatting, cover art, and included a short translation of the Sri Nanak Prakash (1824) by Mahakavi Bhai Santokh Singh.

Mahavira Singh, who has written the foreword of the book, says, “It is certainly fruitful to critically engage with Sirdar Kapur Singh’s ideas as we forge our path ahead through the vicissitudes of time’s churning wheel.”

He writes that Sirdar Kapur Singh’s prolific oeuvre has, over the years, served as an invigorating gateway for modern man into Sikh thought. “One struggles to think of a better polemicist than the ‘Professor of Sikhism’ among the many men of letters that populate the august halls of the twentieth century’s Sikh history – or, for that matter, a worthier crusader for its world-historical stature in the march of history.”

“Our particular vantage as globally dispersed Sikhs, conversant with modernity, afforded with an ease of access and interaction online that previous generations could scarcely dream of, allows us to reckon anew with this doyen of Sikh literary and political thought,” he writes.

He further writes, “The figure and polemics of Kapur Singh looms conspicuously in the backdrop of the turbulent circumstances that occupied the Sikh Panth in post-independence India, from the Punjabi Suba Morcha, all the way to Operation Blue Star. These events continue to shape and orient the Sikhs’ worldview today; it is certainly fruitful to critically engage with Sirdar Kapur Singh’s ideas as we forge our path ahead through the vicissitudes of time’s churning wheel…”

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Received through email

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 Giani Kartar Singh, Azad Punjab, page 57, published in 1944

HARI SINGH

Giani Kartar Singh was born on the 22nd of February, 1902 to father Risaldar Bhagat Singh and Jeevan Kaur at Chak 40 in Lyallpur. Chak 40 used to be a village inhabited by army pensioners of the Jhang branch and Kartar Singh’s grandfather, Sardar Amar Singh had moved in the Lyallpur Baar region after retiring from military service.

Kartar Singh completed his matriculation and graduated from Khalsa High School in Lyallpur. When he was in the 8th grade in 1919 he visited Amritsar to meet with his uncle for the occasion of Vaisakhi. There he witnessed the brutal massacre at the Jallianwala Bagh, which occurred on the fateful day of his visit. This incident left a lasting mark on the young Kartar Singh’s personality.

Around that time there was a huge conference called in the village of Dharowali, home of Shaheed Lachhman Singh, hero of the Nankana Sahib massacre. Kartar Singh joined the conference along with two dozen students from his college. It was here that he was acquainted with popular leaders like Aga Muhammad Safdar Sialkoti (leader of the Muslim League), Dr Kitchlew (Congress leader) and Sikh leaders like Master Mota Singh, Teja Singh Chuharkana, Kartar Singh Jhabbar and Master Sunder Singh Lyallpuri, masterminds of the Akali movement. This conference inspired Sikhs to join the political fight for Indian independence, from which they stayed distant from until that time.

Upon graduating from 10th grade, Kartar Singh was admitted to the famed Khalsa College in Amritsar. Before moving there, the Nankana Sahib massacre had occurred on 20 February 1921 and news of which had reached to him when he was still in his village. He was privy to the huge wave of Jathas that departed en masse towards Nankana Sahib from Lyallpur and that inspired him to fully devote himself towards the Reform Movement launched by the Akali Dal. His first political experience was during the Jaito Morcha when he was arrested for supporting Jathas from Lyallpur. He was convicted by the colonial government and jailed for six months. Consequently, the Gurdwara Act was legislated in November 1925 and all jailed Akalis were released in a general amnesty.

During the first elections of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbhandak Committee, Kartar Singh was elected from the constituency of Dijkot and became a member of the first SGPC executive committee.

When the first Punjab Provincial Assembly Election was held in 1937 following the Government of India Act of 1935, now Giani Kartar Singh along with Partap Singh Kairon, Swaran Singh and Baldev Singh were elected as representatives of the Shiromani Akali Dal. This was followed by the 1945 elections whereupon Giani Kartar Singh was re-elected for the second time.

He proposed amendments to the 1925 Gurdwara Act to increase the control of the SGPC management of all Gurdwaras and by 1945 had it approved unanimously by all members of the organization.

Before his ascent into the Akali movement, educated Sikh leaders thought of politics as a backwards preoccupation of illiterates. He was instrumental in changing that attitude and would go around in various university campuses to recruit promising young Sikhs into the Akali Dal and grooming them into serving Sikh interests. This was a counter to various organizations that united Muslims and Hindus to further Muslim League and Congress-Arya Samaj interests. The result of this was the foundation of All India Sikh Student Federation, which he was a key part of by coordinating Sikhs from educational institutions in Lahore. The organization was formally founded under his aegis on the 14th of September, 1944 and Sarup Singh was elected as its first president.

He had earned the title of Giani from a young age, due to his extensive knowledge of Gurbani. He was also known as “the brain of the Sikhs”, especially in British circles, due to his wittiness and wisdom during political negotiations and laconic speeches laced with rural Panthic idiom.

His popularity was only second to that of Master Tara Singh and he represented the Sikh community during talks for India’s partition. He did try to put forth an argument for a Sikh homeland, collated into a booklet titled “Azad Punjab” published in 1944, which were ignored by the colonial government. Once partition became a looming reality, he braced for the evacuation of Sikhs from Western Punjab. In December 1946 he was elected president of the Shiromani Akali Dal.

What is the background of the demand of Punjab’s partition so far?

The first plan was forged in 1930. The honourable Master Tara Singh and me were jailed in Gujrat during the Satyagraha movement and that was the time when the first round table conference for Indian independence occurred. The Muslim side vigorously demanded Sindh to be carved into a separate state and the Punjab assembly to be completely given to Muslims to run. Seeing a looming threat of Islamic domination upon Punjab the only solution for prevention we could come up with was partition of the state. After the Gandhi-Irwin pact (5 March 1931) we were released from jail. Gandhi Ji was staying in Delhi at the time and began talks with all factions of the Muslim side. During this meeting a united deputation of Sikhs also met Gandhi. They presented 17 demands to secure the future cooperation of Sikhs for the Indian Independence cause. One of the demands was an acceptance of the partition of Punjab where most Muslim majority districts be severed from the state. This deputation was made up of Master Tara Singh, Sunder Singh Majithia, Sir Jogendra Singh, Sardar Mangal Singh of the Central Assembly, Sampuran Singh, Ujjal Singh, Shivdev Singh Oberoi, Giani Sher Singh, Amar Singh- editor of the Shere Punjab newspaper and Sant Singh- MLA of Lyallpur. All of the aforementioned Sikh leaders from all walks of society agreed to pressure for the acceptance of those demands, stressing especially on partition. All of the Panth had made a consensus on this demand at that time.

⁃ Excerpt from “Azad Punjab”, interview with Giani Kartar Singh, edited by Giani Trilok Singh, Sikh Missionary College, Amritsar, pages 54-55, published 1944.

During partition, he arranged for the transport and safe passage of Sikh refugees to East Punjab at grave personal risk. He was especially assisted by MS Randhawa in ensuring the rehabilitation of Sikh refugees.

His legacy as a politician is that of an ascetic who never amassed wealth but relied on donations of sympathetic backers and activists. He became a state minister numerous times, both during Congress and Akali governments, but he donated all his salary and land to the founding of educational institutions, especially in the Hoshiarpur area of Doaba where he settled after India’s partition.

During the Punjabi Suba Movement he came forward to negotiate with Bhim Sen Sachar, which resulted in the so called Sachar Formula. A section of Akalis, led by him and Master Tara Singh, also merged with Congress and contested the 1957 elections against the Akali Dal led by Sant Fateh Singh. He became the minister for Revenue and Agriculture under the government of Partap Singh Kairon. He was re-elected in 1962 but lost the 1967 elections, following which he resigned from the Congress party. He ran for the 1972 Lok Sabha elections from Hoshiarpur but could not secure a victory.

Various anecdotes about the simplicity of his life abound in popular memory, one of which is a story of when he lost the election and police came to order his vacation of a government house which he had received as a minister. Giani Kartar Singh calmly ordered a rickshaw and packed his two sets of clothes, a kachhera and a turban into a small bag and left in short time.

This Panthic giant passed away on the 10th of June, 1974 at the Rajendra Hospital in Patiala.

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Courtesy: The Khalsa Chronicle (Posted on June 10, 2023) Received through email

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Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro

There are many historic villages in Rawalpindi’s Gujar Khan Tehsil. One such village is Bhagpur, which is located about 4 km north of Gujar Khan town. Not much is written about its history. The earliest source on the origin of the village is given by Raizada Brijnath in Waja Tasmia Dehat Dangali wa Pharwala. According to Raizada Brijnath, it was first founded by Bhagu/Bhago after whom the village was named Bhagpur. Later, one Kala Mal Khatri who was a resident of Pargana Rohtas, settled in Bhagpur. Raizada Brijnath believes that Kala Mal was from the Phul lineage of the Khatri caste, hence Bhagpur was also known as Bhagpur Phulan. It is said that the ancestors of Kala Mal Khatri served as Kardars of the Gakhars Rais of Pharwala and Dangali who bestowed the jagir of Bhagpur on Kala Mal Khatri.

Bhagpur is also called Purna Bhagpur. I visited the village several times and met a few oral historians and village intellectuals who know the oral history of the village. One of the oral historians is Sabir Hussain. I conducted an interview with him about the history and heritage of Bhagpur village. Sabir Hussain is a notable of the Janjua tribe who knows the oral history of Bhagpur village. He is 75 years old. He is a retired Hawaldar from Pakistan Army and later served as Sub-Inspector security in the Capital Development Authority (CDA), Islamabad. I share some excerpts from an interview with him in this article. Sabir Hussain still recalls the names of Sikhs and Hindus who were well-reputed businessmen and landlords of the village which he learned from his grandfather Jiwan Khan Janjua. He not only remembers the names of the Hindu merchants but also their Choubaras (mansions) which were located in and around the village bazaar. He also identifies the names of the shopkeepers whose shops were located in the Bazaar of Bhagpur village. He is the most knowledgeable person in the village.

According to Sabir Hussain, Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs lived in Bhagpur before the partition of 1947. Sikhs were in majority in the village. There was a bazaar in the village where the shops of both Hindus and Sikhs were located from where not only the residents of Bhagpur but also of the neighboring villages used to purchase items of daily use. He knows the names of a few Hindu merchants prominent amongst whom was Beli Ram. Prominent Sikhs of Bhagpur were Partab Singh, Jagta Singh, Gulab Singh, and others. A few Sikhs also owned agricultural land in Bhagpur village and near Dongi Dam. Bhagpur was dotted with choubaras (mansions) of both Hindus and Sikhs. The majority of the Choubaras were located in and around the village bazaar. There was a famous street of the Sonara Hindu community in the village which was called ‘Chhati Gali (covered street)’. The wooden ceiling of the street was ornately engraved.

Not a single Choubara has survived today. All of those have been either demolished or rebuilt

The porticoes of Choubaras of Bhagpur were noted for their ornamentation, which reflected the political and economic power of both Hindus and Sikhs in the area. Wooden doors were always flanked by sitting platforms, where once the older members of the family used to sit and observe the social and economic activities in a street, also received special treatment from the builders of the Choubaras of Bhagpur village. All the doors of the Choubaras were exquisitely carved.

Not a single Choubara has survived today. All of those have been either demolished or rebuilt. But Sabir Hussain informs that the majority of the Choubaras were noted for wooden balconies, jharokhas, and doors. Woodwork and stone were special architectural features of Choubaras in Bhagpur village.

Apart from Choubaras, Sabir Hussain also tells about the baolis, ban (water tanks), wells, shrines, temples, and samadhis in the village. He believes that there were about seven wells, two baolis (stepped wells), and two water tanks in the village. The main and most impressive baoli is located by road side along the bank of Sanghor Kas, a tributary of Nullah Kansi. Hindus used to take baths in the baoli. It was constructed of semi-masonry. One cannot find such baoli in the neighboring villages. Adjacent to this baoli is a well and dehri or samadhi of Hindu ascetic whose name Sabir Hussain does not know. It was a sacred place for both Hindus and Sikhs of Bhagpur and other neighboring villages.

It is a square structure. Such square Samadhi is not found in any neighboring village. However, one can see a few Samadhis of Hindu and Sikh ascetics in other villages in Gujar Khan Tehsil. The most impressive and grand Samadhi, albeit in shambles, is located at Karnali village which belongs to Baba Mohan Das, an Udasi saint.

I have discussed Samadhis in Pothohar in my book Reflections on the Pothohar Heritage which was published in 2020 by Emel Publications, Islamabad that Pothohari samadhis assume two forms: square and octagonal. Square samadhis are located at Karnali, Dera Bakhshian, Gulyana, in Gujar Khan Tehsil, Domeli in Sohawa tehsil in Jhelum district, Kot Fateh Khan, Qutbal in Fateh Jang in Attock district and octagonal samadhis at Bhaun in Chakwal district, Kot Fateh Khan in Attock district, Bagh Sardaran in Rawalpindi town. All of these samadhis are adorned with paintings. Some of these are also decorated with glazed tiles. The distinctive features of Pothohari samadhis are ribbed domes and high-neck drums. Other distinctive features of these samadhis are nearby tanks and baolis (stepped wells) where the yatris (pilgrims) used to take baths during the time of the annual fair. The rich Hindus, Jains, and Sikhs of Pothohar lavishly spent on the construction of these samadhis.

Samadhi at Bhagpur was painted from the inside. Apart from Samadhi, there also used to be a temple in Bhagpur village which was located opposite Samadhi and across the Sanghor Kas. Samadhi is located on the right bank of Sanghor Kas while the temple was situated on the left. The temple does not exist now.

Sabir Hussain also knows about wells that are located in different parts of the village. There is a well adjacent to the ban (water tank) near Government Boys Primary School that was built in the British period and recently rebuilt. The water tank has now disappeared but the well is still extant. There is a commemorative plaque on the wall of the well. Sabir Hussain believes that it was built in memory of a Hindu noble who died in the earthquake of 1935 in Quetta. It was probably built in memory of Pandit Gobind Ram as his name appears on the top of the commemorative plaque fixed on a wall of the well. To the north of the village was another well which was built by Hindus from where Muslims used to fetch water. There was also a baoli adjacent to the school that has disappeared now. To the south of the school was another well at a place which is locally called “Sheemay Wala Larr”. This well was also built by a Hindu noble of the village who was known as Sheema. There was also a well in the heart of the village which was called Sonaron Wala Kunwan (well of the Sonara community) as it was built by a Hindu noble from the Sonara community and was located in the Chhati Gali of Sonaras. This well is still extant and bears a donor plaque.

There are two popular shrines, including Baba Faiz Bakhsh and the bethak of Baba Jali Wali Sarkar in Bhagpur village, which are frequented by both Janjua Rajputs and Mughals. There are also shrines in Bhagpur Gujran, but the most popular is that of Baba Shamsuddin Qadiri, that is frequented and managed by the Gujjar community. After partition, Hindus and Sikhs left for India and the Mughals came from Kashmir and settled in Bhagpur village.

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About the Author

Dr. Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro, an anthropologist, has authored over 12 books in English and Urdu, including ‘Symbols in Stone: The Rock Art of Sindh’, ‘Perspectives on the art and architecture of Sindh’, ‘Memorial Stones: Tharparkar’ and ‘Archaeology, Religion and Art in Sindh’. He may be contacted at: zulfi04@hotmail.com

Courtesy: The Friday Times Naya Daur Lahore (Posted on April 14, 2023)

The post Historic Bhagpur Village – A witness to the past glory first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro

My several years of fieldwork from 2000 to 2020 in Darel and Tangir in Diamer district of Gilgit-Baltistan have revealed interesting facts about the religion, history and heritage of the valley. I visited the main villages in both the lower as well as upper valley for this purpose, and met many oral historians and village intellectuals to have discussions on these topics. As such, there are still some village intellectuals and oral historians in Tangir valley who know its history. I was interested to know their ancient religious ceremonies, practices, genealogies, how population dispersed from one settlement to others in the valley, when and from where immigrants came, how the social organization was formed, how each of the caste claim ownership rights, how caste relationships work, the position of craftsmen and particularly that of woodcarvers, the position of women and children in the valley, and above all, as to when the Islam came to this valley. In addition to these, I had so many other questions.

Through discussions, I came to know that about five hundred years ago the inhabitants of Tangir valley greatly venerated the cow. In fact, it can be said that cow-worship was prevalent amongst the population. The Tangir valley was divided into two parts, lower and upper, locally called ‘Rom.’ The lower valley was ruled by Shigli whose dominion began from Lorkah to Jaglot. The territory of Doro, the ruler of the upper valley or Gabar, started from the Darqali Pain to Koranga Bala extending to the Satil meadow, which was known for iron ore (locally called ‘Chimar gu’). The remains of the fortress of Shigli can still be seen near Jaglot. Likewise, the remains of Doro’s villages and fortress are also found in Dorogah, which is named after him. Dorogah, a nullah, connects Tangir with Gayal Nullah in Darel valley. At the beginning of Dorogah and near Khip village are the remains of Shikari Thoki which are said to have been erected by Doro. There are also remains of the fortress near Dabas which are also associated with Doro. The ancient remains of the water channel in Gachhar Nullah are also associated with Doro. The water channel was excavated during the reign of Doro.

Both Shigli and Doro ruled their respective kingdoms until they were overthrown by Khachelo, Maguno and Sobo. Breno then challenged their rule, and killed Sobo whose descendants now live in Sobo Kot. He also killed Shigli, the ruler of the Lorakh and Jaglot Roms, who imposed heavy tax (Kalang) on the inhabitants of Gabar Rom. Breno came along with his friend Yagri from the lower Indus valley. Both Maguno and Khachelo were fighting over natural resource distribution. Breno persuaded both to amicably agree to the distribution of natural resources, which both accepted. Afterwards, Maguno was swept away in the floodwaters of Gachhar Nullah. Khachelo gave his daughter in marriage to Breno. Afterwards, Breno became the ruler of the Gabar Rom (area).

Breno was the ancestor of the Shins of the Gabar area in Tangir. It is believed that Breno was the first ruler who developed the indigenous system of natural resource management in Gabar in the Tangir valley. The descendants of Breno who embraced Islam now live in Darqali Pain, Darqali Bala, Phapat, Bagut, Dabas and Mushke. Khachelo, after whom Khachelogah is named, was the ancestor of the Kamin caste in the Gabar area, who now mostly live in Mushke village. The descendants of Doro live in Faruri village. Maguno had no male child but six daughters. The descendants of Yagri, the friend of Breno, live in Mushke.

These valleys, including Tangir, were used as routes by pilgrims and traders in the past. There are several stupas and fire altar images engraved on the boulders at the Shatial rock art site

Khami Kot was the principal fortified village in Gabar in Tangir. When the population converted to Islam in the 16th century, the Jamia mosque was built by the residents of the village. Sufis saints from Swat converted the inhabitants of Tangir to Islam. Later when the population of Khami Kot increased, the prominent heads of their lineages moved to found new villages. From Khami Kot they moved to other villages where today the descendants of Doro, Khachelo, Sobo, Yagri and Breno are living. All of them founded villages in Gabar Rom.

Now, Gabar Rom or the region in upper Tangir valley, occupies an important place in the annals of the valley. Even the term Gabar is interesting, which merits some attention and investigation by the scholars who are working on ancient religions in Hindu Kush. Based on my research among the communities in the Hindu Kush and Himalayas in northern Pakistan, I believe that this term is probably related to Zoroastrians. Fire worshippers or Zoroastrians were known by different names and the term Gabar was probably one among the lot. There is also a village with the same name in Darel valley. Right from Darel and Tangir to Indus Kohistan and Swat-Kohistan I noticed place names like Gabar, Gabrial etc. Even in Balochistan and Sindh ancient water reservoirs or ancient dams which are locally called Gabar band/ Gabarband or Gor band/Gorbandi are believed to have been built by the Gabars or Zoroastrians. Not much has been written on place names of northern Pakistan. I think some students of anthropology; sociology or comparative religion should do some research on ancient religions and place names in Northern Pakistan. I believe that with their findings and analyses many unanswered questions will be answered and many facts will come to light. These researches will further provide a springboard to young scholars to further investigate the ancient religions of these regions.

This shows that apart from Hindus, significant populations of Buddhists and Zoroastrians also lived in the Tangir valley. The Shatial rock art site showcases the presence of both religious communities in the region. And Tangir is not far away from Shatial. These valleys, including Tangir, were used as routes by pilgrims and traders in the past. There are several stupas and fire altar images engraved on the boulders at the Shatial rock art site. Even signs and symbols used in the vernacular architecture of the Tangir valley may provide many missing links about the ancient religions of these regions.

I visited all historic wooden mosques of Tangir including Diamer, Sheikh and Khamikot. I also heard that there were also historic wooden mosques in Phapat, Koranga, Dabas and Faruri villages which were rebuilt between 1980 and 1990. The Faruri mosque was noted for intricate wood carvings. It was demolished in 1982 and a new mosque was built by the villagers in 1983. A famous mason and woodcarver of Faruri village, Feroz Khan, built the mosque. I met him several times and enquired about the scheme of decoration and architecture of the old mosque. According to him, Faruri mosque was a real prototype of the Khami Kot mosque. Sir Aurel Stein during the reign of Pakhtun Wali Khan (1905-1917) visited some historic wooden mosques in Tangir. Paktun Wali Khan ruled Tangir, Darel and some valleys in Indus Kohistan from 1905 to 1917. He was killed by Tangiris in Lorakh village in 1917.

Sir Aurel Stein mentioned and provided a photo of the wooden mosque of Faruri in his book Innermost Asia Vol. 1. The old mosque of Faruri was probably built by Jaloti or his son Laskar, who were the descendants of Doro, the ruler of Gabar. The fifth generation of Doro namely Chutho, Soti, Yoshir, Dudoki and Dodar remained non-Muslims. From the sixth generation, Jaloti embraced Islam. The descendants of Doro known as Laskare, Mirzakhane and Butote live in Faruri village. Later some migrated to the Yasin valley. When Jaloti embraced Islam, either he or his son Laskar – after whom the Laskare lineage is named – laid the foundation of a mosque in Faruri village.

The oldest surviving mosque in Tangir is located in Khami Kot. All others have been rebuilt. The Khami Kot mosque is an identity marker of the Tangir valley. Mud, stones and timber were used in the construction of the mosque. It is located on the left bank of the Tangir River. The Jami mosque Khami Kot is noted for floral and geometric designs which are carved on the door, pillars, and arched entrances of the mosque.

This mosque has a rectangular prayer hall, covered verandah, hujra and ablution area. The overall edifice consists of six arched openings on the south and two on the west. These are highly carved, presenting geometric and floral motifs. The roof of the verandah rests on four pillars with each pillar having bracket capitals with double volutes. An ornately carved door from the covered verandah opens to the main prayer hall. The roof of the prayer hall rests on nine square and octagonal pillars. The carvings on these pillars look dim now as smoke billowing out from the fireplace has blackened both the pillars and ceiling of the mosque.

There are two mihrabs in the mosque, both of which are indicated by triangular wooden plaques. The western square corner pillar of the mosque is ornately carved, depicting geometric and floral motifs.

Newly built mosques in Tangir are greatly inspired by the decoration scheme of the Khami Kot mosque. The woodcarvers of Tangir take inspiration from the Khami Kot mosque while engravings doors and pillars.

To the east of the mosque are some wooden coffins which are noted for intricate wood carvings. There also used to be the Shikari (watch tower) of Dost Muhammad east of the mosque, which was a century-old structure that was demolished in 2009.

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Dr. Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro, an anthropologist, has authored 12 books: ‘Symbols in Stone: The Rock Art of Sindh’, ‘Perspectives on the art and architecture of Sindh’, ‘Memorial Stones: Tharparkar’ and ‘Archaeology, Religion and Art in Sindh’. He may be contacted at: zulfi04@hotmail.com

Courtesy: The Friday Times Naya Daur Lahore

The post About The Religious History and Heritage of Tangir first appeared on Sindh Courier.