Nazarul Islam

When a loved one passes away, the intensity of shock triggers rippled waves of grief. To most of us, the event is life’s unforgettable, shocking moment —the harbinger of a heart breaking separation. The moral of my story: All people die, yet not all people live! Do they really fade away?

My loving, caring patron and well-wisher of the past, Mirza Nasir Hossain (MNH) had lived a full life! He had packed so much of this into his many eventful decades as a mentor, colleague, benefactor, a dedicated husband, a devoted parent, an educator and above all a genuine friend. I can vouch with certainty, that he displayed a genuine interest in the welfare, education and progress of so many young people that he met or had known.

He never forgot names. He was soft spoken, and graceful, always chipping in, a word or two of fond advice. Time and tide do take the toll of even the wisest and the bravest. Even during his weak and painful moments, I am sure, Nasir Bhai had the heart to laugh at his critics who fallaciously saw his impact and influence receding with age. I had last met him in 2012, at his Nazimabad home. He had lost weight, and looked feeble. Yet his vibrant voice recoiled intensely to keep the conversation going loud. He wanted to know how I had fared in life. I defended myself: ‘I have moved on. I live and work in the US’. It was a painful goodbye.

He was mindful of a silent struggle for freedom floating in the backwaters of the mighty rivers Padma and Meghna

My close proximity with him had enabled me to observe his preferences. I was inspired by his unending struggle against hypocrisy and how in all his dispositions, he had valued time. He wanted himself and his followers get things organized and finish work, in time. He had traveled to Europe, USA and the world, chased his dreams, engaged with people, and debated hotly in the backdrop of most burning issue of those times—the rising anarchy in East Pakistan. He was mindful of a silent struggle for freedom floating in the backwaters of the mighty rivers Padma and Meghna.

Often he would lament how the wrong policies of the rulers had disenfranchised the minds of the East Pakistani Bengalis, who continued to live in disbelief a thousand miles away. Could they have been the fateful children of a lesser god? Nasir Bhai was a patron of learning and skills, and blessed with God’s gift of foresight. Yet he never refrained from putting one foot in front of the other, battling what he knew from the start—a war against those who could not appreciate the rise of a hard working ‘west Pakistani’, in good light. At the end of the day, he had mixed with his Bengali friends, which he always did with grace, dignity, integrity and courage.

One of his favorite haunts was Dacca’s famous ‘Casbah’ restaurant, located in Jinnah Avenue. This was a noisy place visited by the city’s educated elitists which offered good food and ‘chai’. It boasted of people who spoke their minds, politics, economics and ideologies and freely outpoured their rage as debates progressed through the stages of public tolerance. Almost every day, the conversation here had focused on how the largest province of the country was being denied their due share, compared to their Muslim brothers in the West Pakistan. Nasir Bhai’s closest friends were Bengalis.

When sentiments got awry and overheated at the Casbah, and slips of tongue had got the better share of grievances and outbursts, he somehow knew it was time for intervention. He would wink at Burro Bhai, a highly educated and well versed local landlord who would then tactfully step in, in his bid to lower the temperature with his sweet and sour interpolations, cracks and jokes while good old Nasir Saheb footed the bill for the best of the noisy participants. In no time, the crowd would disperse, till the next gathering, the next outbursts and the consequent interventions. Wasn’t he a great peacemaker, on his own accord and at his own cost?

Nasir Bhai was humble and down to earth, a man of true merits which were further marked by his love for his family, particularly his son and daughter, his love of marsias, and devotional music. Obviously, this had included life-long love of learning, his love of better Chinese cuisine, his acceptance of everyone and refusal to judge or dismiss anyone, his enjoyment of good company and of hearing and telling stories.

In his rather happy time on this earth, Nasir Bhai’s journey was like a rock thrown into a lake – sending ripples ever outward into the future. Your addiction doesn’t define you. He was an avid reader, a writer, a traveler, an orator, an educator, a thinker and above all a never-say-die community well-wisher. He simply loved good ideas, and his friendships and family had ignited the hearth that was his heart!

Each one of us who knew him, had liked him in more ways than one. The end of Nasir Bhai’s life has portrayed death truthfully. He died in the middle of his life, in the middle of a sentence.

Sadly, without Mirza Nasir Hossain, our lives became empty and my small world has become immensely poor.

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The Bengal-born writer Nazarul Islam is a senior educationist based in USA. He writes for Sindh Courier and the newspapers of Bangladesh, India and America. He is author of a recently published book ‘Chasing Hope’ – a compilation of his articles.

The post Mirza Nasir Hossain: The Man and the Myth first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Dr. Rajkumar Singh        

As administrative divisions formed a basic tier of the government at independence in 1947, the new nation of Pakistan was comprised by two wings-the eastern and western, separated by India. At the time three of the provinces of Pakistan were subdivided into ten administrative divisions. The single area in the east wing called East Bengal had four divisions-Chittagong, Dacca, Khulna and Rajshahi. The province of West Punjab had four divisions – Lahore, Multan, Rawalpindi, and Sargodha. The North-West Frontier Province had two divisions-Dera Ismail Khan and Peshawar. The hasty partition of the Indian subcontinent in August 1947 not only intensified the existing mutual suspicions and fears but also gave birth to many new complex problems. Compared to India, these problems were far more numerous and onerous for Pakistan as India was not only an ‘ongoing concern’ but also inherited a well-developed administrative setup (Cheema, 1990). In the circumstances, Pakistan, the new state, was not only confronted with the important task of setting up an administrative structure but also faced almost chaotic conditions in those areas that formed Pakistan. Also, the August and September of 1947 had given the worst possible start to these two Dominions who faced the massive problem of resettling the refugees and resolving the question of migrants’ property.

In 1950 the North-West Frontier Province was expanded to include the small states of Amb and Phulra, and the name of West Punjab province was changed to Punjab. The Baluchistan States Union was formed in 1952 by the four princely states of Southwest Pakistan.

After independence between August 1947 and March 1948, the rulers of princely states such as Bahawalpur, Khairpur, Kalat, Las Bela, Kharan, Makran, Phulra, Amb, Swat, Dir, Chitral, Hunza and Nagar acceded their states to Pakistan, giving up control of their external affairs, while all retaining internal self-government, at least to begin with. Stages lost this until and by 1974 all of these states had been fully integrated into Pakistan. In 1948, the area around Karachi was separated from Sind Province to form the Federal Capital Territory. In 1950 the North-West Frontier Province was expanded to include the small states of Amb and Phulra, and the name of West Punjab province was changed to Punjab. The Baluchistan States Union was formed in 1952 by the four princely states of Southwest Pakistan. Thus, between 1947 and 1955, Pakistan comprised five provinces East Bengal, West Punjab, Sind, North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Baluchistan with one territory called Federal Capital Territory. The Baluchistan States Union formed in 1952 was made combining Kalat, Kharan, Las Bela and Makran and used the flag of Kalat.

Initiation of One Unit Scheme

Initially, in 1930, Sir Mohammad Iqbal conceived the idea of Pakistan by uniting the four states of the northwestern British Empire, the partition of the subcontinent was the result of Pakistan movement led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah and came into existence on 14 August 1947. Since then, the country had been without a consolidated written constitution, and all Pakistani state affairs had been run under constitutional acts of British Indian Empire enacted in 1935 and 1947. The Government had prolonged difficulty in administrating East Bengal, with its border with Eastern India, and the four provinces, which border Western India, Iran, China, and Afghanistan. Thus keeping in view the administrative difficulties the idea of ‘One Unit System’ was conceived by Malik Ghulam, the then Governor General of Pakistan, whose drafting was completed by Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Bogra who had made the first official announcement on 22 November 1954. The National Assembly of Pakistan passed a bill merging of all West Pakistan into a single province on 30 September 1955, and finally, it was implemented on 14 October 1955. Earlier in 1954, Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Bogra praised the idea and said, ‘There will be no Bengalis, no Punjabis, no Sindhis, no Pathan, no Balochis, no Bahawalpuris, no Khairpuris. The disappearance of these groups will strengthen the integrity of Pakistan. Iskander Mirza who put forward the bill in the Assembly also gave following reasons:

It would end the curse of provincial prejudices.

It would allow the development of backward areas.

It would reduce administrative expenses.

It would make it easier to draw up a new constitution.

It would give East and West Pakistan maximum autonomy.

As a follow up of the plan after the general election of 1954, the four provinces and Tribal areas were merged in the western wing. The region was composed of twelve divisions, and the provincial capital was established at Lahore. The province of East Bengal, now Bangladesh, was renamed as East Pakistan with the provincial capital at Dacca. The federal government moved the country’s capital in 1958 from Karachi to Rawalpindi while the national legislature moved to Dacca.

West Pakistan formed a single and united political entity but with marked linguistic and ethnic distinctions. The One Unit policy was regarded as an administrative reform that would reduce expenditure and help eliminate racial and parochial prejudices. However, with the military coup of 1958, trouble loomed for the province when the office of Chief Minister was abolished, and the President claimed executive power over West Pakistan.

Effects on Administration

Also, one potential factor of this growing tendency was the landslide victory of the United Front. As a result, there emerged a possibility that the desire of the civil and military bureaucracy to keep a strong center within their fold might be thwarted should the smaller provinces side with Bengal. The formation of a ‘One Unit’ would give the center a greater chance of arm twisting to get favorable decisions from one provincial assembly rather than dealing with three provinces (Punjab, Sindh, and NWFP), one chief commissioner’s provinces (Baluchistan) and numerous princely states. Overall impacts of the ‘One Unit System’ were;

Although Political benefits were going in favor of West Pakistan yet the people of different provinces of West Pakistan protested against this new scheme and insisted on the separate, distinct identities of regional cultures of the provinces.

The objectives mentioned as a cause of the “One Unit” were not met.

Expenditures were not controlled and limited. Additionally, some related issues were aroused. Remote areas of the country were ignored, and some local problems emerged with high intensity.

The objectives of One Unit could not be achieved. Instead, the power concentrated in few hands; hence the demand for the restoration of small provinces came up through various movements.

In East Pakistan, many political parties and groups questioned the principle of parity between the two wings and perceived that the whole of West Pakistan is together against East Pakistan. These facts increased the sense of alienation among them.

Ironically, after the East broke away to form Bangladesh, the Punjab province insisted that politics in the rump West Pakistan now be decided by a straightforward vote, since Punjabis were more numerous than the other groups, such as Sindhis, Pathans or Baloch.

The ‘One Unit Scheme’ sustained the highly centralized and bureaucratic political order that suffered from a legitimacy crisis in the NWFP and Sindh. Some leaders of Baluchistan, too, opposed the ‘One Unit Scheme.’

Since our leaders failed to apprehend the plural nature of the culture of our country and since they did not identify themselves with the actual national identity, so the consequent identity crises, at last, resulted in the separation of East Pakistan in 1971.

After all the one unit system remained to enforce from 1955 to 1970. Although it was brought to reduce expenditure and to eliminate provincial prejudices, the military coup of 1958 signaled difficulties when the first military President, Ayub Khan, abolished the office of Chief Minister of West Pakistan in favor of Governor’s rule. In 1960 the federal capital moved from Karachi to Rawalpindi and later to Islamabad when Constitution finished in 1966. Eventually, in 1970, the one unit system of West Pakistan was abolished by President Yahya Khan, and four new provinces were created along with some changes in Pakistani Kashmir.

Evaluation

Overall, ‘One Unit’ created more problems internally in West Pakistan, even the disparity between West and the East was neither removed nor was any other issue was resolved. At the time of division of land between the two Dominions in 1947, it was crystal clear that East Pakistan was 1000s kilometer far from West Pakistan. West Pakistan was itself divided into four provinces while West Pakistan was considered one province. It was difficult for east Pakistani to be prosperous with privileges which it had. There were a lot of hurdles between the two including language and sharing of power. This apart West was more developed, and it had a strong military and bureaucracy. Despite goodwill regarding ‘One Unit’ on the part of Government, the fact cannot be denied that merging of the provinces created further troubles and tribulations. The circumstances of one unit could not bring prosperity and development in the country.

Even recently in October 2011. The Dawn, in a Flashback: ‘One Unit’ termed the period ‘a dark chapter’ in the history of Pakistan. It viewed the system especially in the context of Sindh province which had already suffered the effects of a similar system during its 89-year annexation (1847-1936) by the Bombay Presidency. It wrote, ‘After independence, a group of politicians backed by vested interests was determined to exploit the resources of Sindh on one pretext or the other. The scheme of One Unit was not a new one. Right from the inception of Pakistan, vested interests had their eyes set on Sindh’s natural resources, but they could not put their plans in action as long as Quaid-i-Azam was alive. Right after his death, plans were set afoot’ (The Dawn, 16 October 2011). The idea of implementing it was raised time and again including one in 1949 on the floor of the first Constituent Assembly. Later it got the favor of General Ayub Khan, who is one of the cabinet meetings in the capacity of commander-in-chief and defense minister, expressed his opinion on One Unit plan by saying that he planned to make West Pakistan one province. General Iskander Mirza who finally piloted the ‘One Unit’ bill too said that it was a road roller and any small stone coming in the way would be crushed. At the time and in afterward, in the absence of a Constituent Assembly, provincial assemblies were the only forums to pave the way for the One Unite Scheme and the only weighty opposition it would invite from the Sindh province. As expected, agitation against the scheme was begun by lawyers, students, writers, and peasants but brute force crushed it and ultimately the federal government of the time succeeded in managing the bill passed by the provincial assemblies of all provinces including the Sindh.

The evaluation and analysis of ‘One Unit System’ that worked in Pakistan from 1955 to 1970 is still active and Naazir Mahmood in an article in The News on 26 July 2015 reminded in context of present-day democracy in Pakistan that forms 1947 to 1955, in all 22 provincial cabinets were dismissed or forced to resign-five in East Bengal, four in Punjab, four in NWFP, and eight in Sindh. No government was changed through a no-confidence vote in the provincial legislatures. Most governments were removed while they commanded the majority support in-house and were forced out at the behest of the central powers that be (The News, 26 July 2015). Even before the civil-military became unbalanced in nascent Pakistan, the fundamental province antagonism had started shattering the dream of a decent democracy. At the juncture, it was wrong to suggest that the entire Muslim League was in favor of an active center, but actually, the gang of four comprising Ghulam Mohammad, Major General Iskander Mirza, General Ayub Khan and Chaudhary Mohammad Ali was adamant to have an active center in Pakistan. Those who tried to stand firm for the protection of provincial rights were shown the door and declared as traitors working against the national interest. In a nutshell, the scheme was a campaign of a few against the will and interest of general public which cast a dark shadow over the administrative setup of the then infant nation called Pakistan.

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Courtesy: South Asia Journal (Published on June 19, 2018)

The post One Unit Scheme of Pakistan, 1955-1970 revisited first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Dr. Zaffar Junejo

(Author’s Note: One Unit was dissolved on 1st July, 1970. Sindhi nation along with Bengalis, Balochis, and Pathans fought against it through platforms of cultural associations, literary organizations and political parties. By and large One Unit was opposed across Pakistan however the Anti-One Unit Movement’s epicenter was Sindh. Sindh opposed One Unit because it was considered a tool to alter its demography, grab resources and strategically control wealth of the province. Sindhi nationalists, supported by other political parties forged an association to realize one point agenda – dismantle One Unit. They carried the struggle in all odd and even situations, and bore the cost – jails, punishments, insults, life threats and issuing of ‘certificates’ of disloyalty and treachery but they continued their struggles, and got it undone – Sindh was restored with its full name, and titles.

In 2020, an idea was floated by some Sindh-lovers that Sindh has to celebrate Anti-One Unit Abolition Day as the Golden Jubilee event, just to cherish, and recall the successful struggle of Sindhi peoples. In this regard, the author intends to translate some of the basic and most relevant documents from Sindhi language into English, in sprit of celebration and remembrance. The first in the series is Saeen GM Syed’s article: One Unit Jo Qiyam: Mukhalfan Ja Khadsha and Muwafqan Ja Faidi Mean Dalil (Formation of One Unit: Opponents’ Apprehensions and Supporters’ Arguments in its favor).

The article is taken from the booklet: One Unit Ji Kahani (The Story of One Unit).  The book was authored by GM Syed and published by Yar Muhammad Ibin Hayat Panhwar, Secretary Sindh Mutaheda Mahaz, Markazi Office, Al-Khalil Building, Qazi Qayoum Road, Hyderabad. Its printer was Begum Zeenat Channa, ‘Zeenat Printers’ Khokhar Mahlo Hyderabad. Its first edition with 2000 copied came in November, 1969 – Dr. Zaffar Junejo.)

One Unit Ji Kahani (The Story of One Unit) – IX

GM Syed

Pakistan Peoples’ Party

The founder of this party is Zulifkar Ali Bhutto; he was part of General Ayub Khan’s government for eight years as a minister; he was his right hand man, and prominent worker of the Convention Muslim League. He was very much supportive of General Ayub Khan, according to Fazil-u-Qadir and others; he is answerable for following actions:

1. He even didn’t avoid suggesting that Deputy Commissioners and Police Superintendents should be nominated as office bearers for the Convention Muslim League.
2. All Mullahs and Moulvis, who are involved in politics, should be killed with bullets.
3. Muslim nation in its history has only produced two persons: One Salahuddin Ayubi and second General Ayub (Note: highlights are of author).
4. One of the lead objectives of the Convention Muslim League was the formation of One Unit; I have already discussed it in the preceding paragraphs. Now question is why he didn’t show his patriotism at that time?
5. He supported Ayub Khan against Ms. Fatima Jinnah. Although, it was known to him that Ms. Jinnah is sister of Quaid-e-Azam.
6. How he got support from capitalists and members to popularize Ayub Khan’s party.

Now the question before us is that after such services, why he was expelled from the ministry?

In the response to that question, these might be possible replies:

1. a) He opposed and exposed General Ayub Khan’s acceptance of “Tashkent Declaration” as a treason, and propagated against him. Therefore, he was ousted!
2. b) Ayub Khan’s concerns about his loyalty, the pressure of the foreign countries, or he worked against the interests of Pakistan. Therefore, he was expelled from the ministry!

Presently, he is away from influence of Ayub Khan. Therefore, he could share his side of the story. But, till now he is silent, therefore, it seems that reasons for his ousting would remain a secret.

He exposed malpractices and corruptions that happened in Ayub’s era, people agreed to him and he was opposed by none.  But, now the situation is changed, and the constitution is being framed.

Presently, the question before us is that how this young man, a resident of Sindh, a handsome person, having an attractive personality would play his role to liberate Sindh from the One Unit – it is really a serious question.

Bhutto Sahib’s following four points confuse us a lot:

1. His speech at Sindh University that he couldn’t scarify Punjab’s interests for Sindh.
2. His speech in Punjab that he is opponent of One Unit. But agreed to accept the constitution of 1956, if certain amendments are made.
3. He has never spoken a single word against the zonal federation.
4. He is against One Unit, but opposes Awami League’s ‘six point’ agenda, and he knows that it is the lead party of East Pakistan. In addition to that, he fully understands that without the support of Bengalis One Unit couldn’t be abolished.

Another concern is his workers’ indulgence in the following activities, and their attitude is beyond our understanding:

1. In his newspaper, why Pir Pagaro is being taunted?
2. Why he (Mr. Bhutto) encourages his workers to call a pious man like Muhammad Qasim as an infidel?
3. Why his workers label prominent workers of Sindh Mutaheda Mahaz as ‘Indian agents’, ‘supporters of feudal lords’, ‘maternal-grandsons of Raja Dahar’, and ‘ruins of Moen-Jo-Daro’? What is rationality to demean political workers? What holds him back to be part of Sindhi brethren’s alliance ‘Sindh Mutaheda Mahaz’? How he would be able to free Sindh from One Unit, while he opposes Bengal and small provinces’ majority, (who are against One Unit)?

It is true that in young age, emotions never create a room for rationality. However, we sincerely advise him to leave such arrogance, and join Sindh Mutaheda Mahaz. The below mentioned couplet of Shah Latif is enough to open his eyes:

مَتَو آهِين مَڇَ، ٿُلُهو ٿَو ٿُونَا هَڻِين

جَا تَو ڏِٺِي اَڇَ، تَنهَن پَاڻِيءَ پُنَا ڏِينهَڙَا

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Dr. Zaffar Junejo has a Ph.D. in History from the University of Malaya. His areas of interest are post-colonial history, social history and peasants’ history.

Click here for Part-I , Part-II, Part-III, Part-IV , Part-V , Part-VI, Part-VII, Part-VIII 

The post Sindh’s struggle for abolition of One Unit – IX first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Dr. Zaffar Junejo

(Author’s Note: One Unit was dissolved on 1st July, 1970. Sindhi nation along with Bengalis, Balochis, and Pathans fought against it through platforms of cultural associations, literary organizations and political parties. By and large One Unit was opposed across Pakistan however the Anti-One Unit Movement’s epicenter was Sindh. Sindh opposed One Unit because it was considered a tool to alter its demography, grab resources and strategically control wealth of the province. Sindhi nationalists, supported by other political parties forged an association to realize one point agenda – dismantle One Unit. They carried the struggle in all odd and even situations, and bore the cost – jails, punishments, insults, life threats and issuing of ‘certificates’ of disloyalty and treachery but they continued their struggles, and got it undone – Sindh was restored with its full name, and titles.

In 2020, an idea was floated by some Sindh-lovers that Sindh has to celebrate Anti-One Unit Abolition Day as the Golden Jubilee event, just to cherish, and recall the successful struggle of Sindhi peoples. In this regard, the author intends to translate some of the basic and most relevant documents from Sindhi language into English, in sprit of celebration and remembrance. The first in the series is Saeen GM Syed’s article: One Unit Jo Qiyam: Mukhalfan Ja Khadsha and Muwafqan Ja Faidi Mean Dalil (Formation of One Unit: Opponents’ Apprehensions and Supporters’ Arguments in its favor).

The article is taken from the booklet: One Unit Ji Kahani (The Story of One Unit).  The book was authored by GM Syed and published by Yar Muhammad Ibin Hayat Panhwar, Secretary Sindh Mutaheda Mahaz, Markazi Office, Al-Khalil Building, Qazi Qayoum Road, Hyderabad. Its printer was Begum Zeenat Channa, ‘Zeenat Printers’ Khokhar Mahlo Hyderabad. Its first edition with 2000 copied came in November, 1969 – Dr. Zaffar Junejo.)

One Unit Ji Kahani (The Story of One Unit) – VI

GM Syed

National Awami Party

I was also one of the founder members of the National Awami Party. I came out from prison, after the formation of One Unit. Afterwards, on 27th August, 1955 I held a meeting at my Karachi Bungalow; it was presided over by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, and we formed ‘Anti-One Unit Front’ party. Then, we were contacted by some political workers of Punjab, showing their interest to work with us. They suggested forming a West Pakistan level political party. Although, from the inception I was against such idea, but the majority was of the view that without a collective organization of the province (West Pakistan), we would be in the minority, and would be failing to get dissolution of One Unit. Therefore, in Lahore we all gathered to finalize the constitution of National Awami Party.

We, the representatives of small provinces, inculcated to abolition of One Unit, and reinstating older provinces, but members from Punjab opposed it, however, to get their support, we agreed to include that after the One Unit is abolished, Zonal Federation would be formed to address certain collective functions. Over the period that clause of the Zonal Federation in the constitution of National Awami Party proved a wrongly placed brick in its foundation. Even after that compromise, Mian Iftekharuddin opposed the ratification of the constitution, which was taking place in Barkat Ali Hall. However, young workers’ pressure altered the situation, the constitution was passed, and in the same meeting Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was elected the president of the party. Sometime later, disagreements emerged between Maulana Bhashani (President, Awami League) and Mr. Hussein Shaheed Suhrawardy. Soon after that Maulana Bhashani group contacted us, and desired to work together. In that persuasion we agreed to be part of Dhaka Convention, and formed the National Awami Party in the East Pakistan. In the convention Maulana Bhashani and Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi were elected the president, and vice-president respectively. However, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was elected president of the National Awami Party, West Pakistan.

It must be noted and understood that communist group played a crucial role in Maulana Bhashani’s separation from Awami League and his joining of the National Awami Party. Therefore, one may find two groups in the National Awami Party, even from its earlier days.  One group’s priority was to solve the country’s constitution issues – Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and we were of that opinion. Another group of communists and workers of Punjab were of view that we should highlight economic issues. We thought that their ideology was a hurdle in solving the constitutional issues of the country. It must be realized that in Bengal there was no big Zamindari, and on the contrary in three small provinces Zamindari and Jagirdari strongly existed, and people were influenced by them.

We were of the view that it was relatively convenient to organize three provinces on one common agenda to abolish One Unit. We also thought that if we engaged ourselves to address the economic question, then people of Punjab would create rift in our unity, and retain their ‘permanent interest’. We also realized that it was in the interest of the members of National Awami Party Punjab to raise such issues and weaken the unity of small provinces. The Punjabi leadership apparently agreed to abolish the One Unit, but they were not publically active, and in this way they saved themselves in their constituencies. Gradually, differences surfaced, and we also realized them. Therefore, their attitudes also compelled Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Abdul Samad Khan, Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi and me to write a letter addressed to Maulana Bhashani. In that letter we warned him that if he or his workers think that One Unit’s disbanding is a secondary priority, then we would part ways from the party.

Soon after, we organized, ‘Sindh Anti-One Unit Front’ under the chairmanship of Khuhro Saheb. We also attempted to organize similar fronts in Sarhad (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and Baluchistan. Meanwhile, the Martial Law of 1958 was imposed and a lot of people, including me, were imprisoned because of the opposition of One Unit. We were behind bars for a couple of years.

Later, at the time when party politics and even party formation was allowed, a considerable number of our workers was in jail. The remaining ones were sharply divided into two camps: one group was supportive of Chinese program, and another group was follower of Russian program. Last year, both factions elected their leaders based on political ideologies. The Russian group’s president became Khan Wali Khan, and Chinese ideologists elected Maulana Bhashani as their president. Presently, Khan Wali Khan’s group is active in West Pakistan, and Maulana Bhashani faction is actively engaged in the East Pakistan.

This year (1969), Khan Wali Khan took part in President Ayub Khan’s ‘Roundtable Conference.’ However, Maulana Bhashani boycotted it. Presently, Khan Wali Khan’s National Awami Party is also divided between two factions: one group prioritizes economic question, and other group’s main concern is abolishing of One Unit. The second group has recommended dropping the clause of the Zonal Federation from the party’s constitution. However, considering the majority of members belonging to the communist ideology, there are bleak chances of the dropping of that particular clause – the Zonal Federation. Amusingly, due to public demand to abolish One Unit, the communist group publically agrees, but behind the doors opposes to disband One Unit.

This group fully understands and believes that before One Unit’s abolition, the raising of economic question would shatter the unity of small provinces. Therefore, they have opposed the organization of the Anti-One Unit Fronts in smaller provinces. In Sindh, Mahmud-ul-Haq Usmani, in Balochistan Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, and in the Frontier (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) Ajmal Khattak’s groups intend to create hurdles in abolition of One Unit. Therefore, in a given situation, stated above, literally nothing should be expected from the National Awami Party that it would take a serious step to abolish One Unit.

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Dr. Zaffar Junejo has a Ph.D. in History from the University of Malaya. His areas of interest are post-colonial history, social history and peasants’ history.

Click here for Part-I , Part-II, Part-III, Part-IV , Part-V 

The post Sindh’s struggle for abolition of One Unit – VI first appeared on Sindh Courier.

By Sultan Mubariz Khan, Misbah Shaheen and Aaqib Shahzad Alvi

[This study inquires the political, cultural and economic grievances of Sindhis and role of the actual or perceived injustices for the rise of Sindhi ethno-nationalism. One-Unit was a scheme introduced by the Pakistani government to amalgamate all the areas of West Pakistan in a single province. Its implementation deprived existing provinces of their autonomy. The defunct provinces were not mere administrative units but were historical homelands of communities possessing distinctive ethno-cultural identities. Hence, it was not only a loss of political autonomy but was also a loss of identity for the people of smaller provinces. Larger proportion of One-Unit population belonged to the former province of Punjab. Punjabis also formed the most advanced ethnic group of West Pakistan. So their dominance in One-Unit’s administration, economy and politics was quite obvious.

The government was compelled to abandon the One-Unit scheme after a decade and a half because of the resolute opposition by smaller provinces nevertheless it left bitter memories. Indigenous population of Sindh akin to people of other smaller provinces considered the One-Unit period as the bitterest experience of their history. It is abominated as the colonial period during which people had to face many suffering and lead a miserable life. That strengthened ethno-nationalists sentiment among indigenous Sindhis. The perceptions of Sindhis’ exploitation are how much based on reality demand a comprehensive investigation based on empirical pieces of evidence.]

Introduction

All the areas of the western region of Pakistan were integrated in a single province by abolishing the existing provinces and autonomous states. The new arrangement was called “One-Unit”. It was envisioned as panacea to resolve various problems that Pakistan had to face during that period. Dispute between Punjab and Bengal over share of representation in central legislature of Pakistan had created a deadlock and hindered framing of constitution. Hence, it was anticipated that One-Unit would be helpful to resolve the constitutional dilemma.

More over administrative unification was believed to facilitate efficient administration and process of national integration. Conception of the One-Unit plan is attributed to army high command because the then Commander-in-Chief of armed forces Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan in his autobiography revealed that One-Unit plan was conceived by him to resolve the constitutional and administrative problems of Pakistan. The ascendant bureaucratic oligarchy played the leading role in its implementation and the group of Punjabi politicians supported them. The plan was bitterly criticized and begrudged throughout Pakistan except Punjab province.

The apprehensions about undesirable outcomes in future were more intense in Sindh as compared to other provinces because Sindh had the bitter experience of its amalgamation with Bombay Presidency during British Raj. Style of governance in nascent state of Pakistan had already disillusioned Sindhi intelligentsia and politicians. The coercive measures employed by the central government for the approval of the One-Unit plan became a source of displeasure among smaller provinces. Chief Minister of Sindh Muhammad Ayub Khuhro on behest of central government compelled Sindh Legislative Assembly to pass the bill for approval of One-Unit. The people of Sindh had certain suspicions about the future political leadership and bureaucratic administration of One-Unit province. There were apprehension of Punjabis’ dominance and marginalization of people from smaller provinces because of Punjabis numerical strength and better level of modernization as compared to peripheral regions of West Pakistan.

Sindhis’ Grievances during One-Unit

Lesser representation in administration and bureaucracy

Prior to the implementation of One-Unit scheme, administrative body of the Sindh province was comprised of native Sindhi elite, though there were complaints of excessive intrusion by the central government in provincial matters. However some of the actions taken by Sindh government, for instance resistance to refugees’ settlement in Sindh, opposing the proposal of the separation of Karachi, recruitment of indigenous Sindhis in the government sector, preservation and furtherance of Sindhi culture and literature and measures to increase Sindhis’ representation in central services were appreciated by native population. Creation of One-Unit deprived Sindhis of their inalienable right to rule their ancestral land autonomously. They considered it a serious blow for their national pride. The provincial headquarter of One-Unit was in Lahore; that was situated at a faraway distance from the Sindh region and was an unfamiliar place for Sind his because of linguistic and cultural differences.

Journey to a distanced place inhabited by a community whose mother tongue was unintelligible for native Sindhis wasn’t trouble-free for predominantly illiterate native Sindhi masses. Those visits were not excursions but a compulsion for resolution of problems related to official administration. At the commencement of One-Unit, bureaucratic power was budding and consequently the decision making power was too shifting towards bureaucracy, although there was a façade of democracy. However, with the enforcement of martial law that façade also vanished and the civil-military bureaucrats became the actual power holders. General Ayub Khan assumed power as the chief marshal law administrator. He believed that politicians are inept for statecraft. Resultantly the way was paved for bureaucracy to establish its complete control at all levels of administration. Such arrangement enhanced bureaucratic powers by demounting all types of legal hindrances in the way of administrators to manage the state’s affairs according to their own free will). Ayub’s vision of a strong central government was meant an independent and authoritative executive not contingent on the impulses of the legislature. Hence, legislative assembly became a mere representative forum for all the submerged regions. And the financial affairs became out of its domain.

Owing to such ascendant role of executive, the system closely resembled the constitutional autocracy of vice regal system of British India. The other institution where native Sindhis had representation was the federal cabinet. However in lieu of cabinet member, the actual influential in the decision making process were civil servants so substantial participation in policy making was possible only by dint of enormous presence in civil-military bureaucracy which they didn’t possess. The top most cadre, ‘Civil Services of Pakistan’ (CSP) that was supposed to transact the important bureaucratic functions and had been relishing monopoly in the prestigious bureaucratic positions, had inadequate representation of native Sindhis.

Almost all the top management authority of various public sector organizations namely; Water and Power Development Authority, Industrial Development Corporation, Planning Commission, etc. were in the hands of non Sindhis. When provincial head quarter of Sindh was abolished and government employees were asked to shift at Lahore for assumption of their duties. Majority of Sindhi officials refused and opted retirement option because of faraway place and inauspicious working conditions that further reduced already meager proportion of Sindhis in government services. The findings of a survey conducted in 1969-70 revealed that the ratio of Sindhis and non Sindhis in federal government was one by five thousand (1:5000) and native Sindhis consisted of even less than 40 % of government servants posted in Sindh region during one-unit period. While answering a question in One-Unit assembly, it was revealed that the number of indigenous Sindhis was limited to only one officer against the post of secretaries, deputy secretaries and joint secretaries respectively. Their representation in other key government departments like railway, telephone & telegraph and accounts were also very limited. Board of revenue that is considered a very important institution for lands allocation did not had even a single Sindhi in five-member board to protect the indigenous Sindhis’ interests. In addition, representation of Sindhis in public and private sector banks was insufficient.

Ayub prioritized rapid economic growth. Consequently “Planning Commission of Pakistan”, got a potent role in administrative and policy making mechanism. Technical experts were accorded key role in highest decision making. But those experts largely belonged to non-Sindhi community which caused further exclusion of native Sindhis in policy making process. Even in the district administration significant number of the officers posted in Sindh were non-Sindhis.

The larger proportion of officers other than Sindh combined with their arrogant behavior created resentment among people of Sindh. They preferred their co-ethnic member over Sindhis in provision and distribution of governmental facilities and resources (short term loans, distribution of irrigation water and other basic facilities like electricity, Sui Gas and roads). Such factors engendered in native population a consciousness that they were being ruled by the outsiders and Sindhi nationalist intelligentsia considered them as foreigners who behaved like masters and treated them as their slaves.

Cultural Grievances

The possible annihilation of distinctive identity due to imposition of OneUnit was the most potent threat which haunted the Sindhi masses as well as intellectual elite. The amalgamation of all areas of West Pakistan ended the Sindh’s status as an autonomous province and the name Sindh wasn’t allowed to be mentioned for those areas which were earlier part of Sindh province. Sindh had always retained its status as a separate administrative unit throughout history even before advent of British’s Raj, whether it was part of large empires or a sovereign state. British discarded that tradition by annexing it with Bombay presidency. Incorporation in One-Unit province reminded Sindhis of the problems which they had to face after amalgamation with a dominant region. Pakistani authorities couldn’t be content with mere administrative unification of West Pakistan rather they intended to achieve cultural harmony which was considered as a prerequisite for transformation of diverse cultural groups residing in West Pakistan into a unified nation. It was presumed that goal of national harmony would be achieved by persuading the population of West Pakistan including native Sindhis to adopt the cultural practices of advanced Muslim community of northern India. The government tried to promote culture, history, heroes, achievements and contribution of Muslims form United Provinces (UP) and Delhi. Indigenous histories and cultures of West Pakistan’s areas were ignored. It was in accordance with the prevalent perceptions at the international level which considered that task of nation building wasn’t possible in situation of cultural diversity.

Language is considered as significant cultural marker, repertoire and conduit of culture. Promotion of culture supportive for government’s efforts of minimizing the differences between people of West Pakistan was considered as the principal obligation by decision makers. And consequently, regional languages and cultures were not only neglected but discouraged for the sake of promotion of Urdu. Implication of those policies for Sindhi language and native culture were unpleasant. Sindhi language had achieved the status of official language for centuries ago and the status dates back to colonial era that remains intact after independence till imposition of One-Unit.

The advent of One-unit didn’t augur well for Sindhi language. Certain decisions taken by government during One-Unit period were castigated by Sindhi nationalists as a planned strategy for elimination of Sindhi culture and identity i.e. Karachi University banned Sindhi language as medium of examination in 1957. Banning of Sindhi as medium of examination by University of Karachi created lot of problems for Sindhi speaking students. They had studied all their subjects in Sindhi language and suddenly they were asked to appear for examinations conducted in a different language. That handicapped situation was like adding insult to injury for Sindhi students. Hyder Bux Jatoi lamented on that discouraging circumstances for Sindhis by writing a pamphlet entitled as ‘Will Sindhis remain in Karachi’. He argued that central government dominated by Urdu speaking officials was not willing to permit indigenous Sindhis for getting education in their mother tongue while residing in Karachi. They were forced to make a choice between Karachi and Sindhi language.

Educational reforms commission was constituted by Government of Pakistan and the status of regional languages as medium of instructions was reduced to primary level. It further suggested for mandatory introduction of Urdu from class three and to adopt Urdu as sole medium of instruction from sixth grade. Sindhis were not amused because of that decision. Majority of native Sindhis could only communicate through Sindhi. In new situation it became quite hard for them to perform their official responsibilities as majority of them had got their education only I Sindhi language. Data of 1951 census revealed that the ratio of educated Sindhis literate in their mother tongue was five times as compared to speakers of other local languages of West Pakistan. That decision was considered by Sindhi intelligentsia as an arbitrary action taken by small elitist group to impose Urdu culture and language at the expense of Sindhi language. So they launched a fierce agitation campaign. Huge public meetings were organized to register protest and vast majority of natives participated in agitation procession. Observance of Sindhi language day on November 9, 1962 was a monumental event in history of Sindhi nationalist movement. A protest memorandum by Sindhi member of national assembly was presented to the President of Pakistan. Media also participated in that vital effort of indigenous population by issuing a press statement supported by almost all the native Sindhis. Government decision was condemned and grave negative connotations for the fate of Sindhis were also highlighted. It emphasized to review the decision.

The exigencies of situation united rival personalities like Syed Sardar Ali Shah, A K Brohi and Sheikh Ayaz on a single platform to make resistance more formidable. Report of commission was even rejected by a Sindhi language newspaper Mehran which was considered a representative of moderate opinion. Editorials of newspaper opposed the proposals of report due its inimical implications for native’s interests and negative consequences for Sindhi language. Agitation compelled the government to revise its decision and status of Sindhi as medium of instructions for Sindh region was restored. Although, the revised decision did not significantly alter the superior status of Urdu and inferior status of Sindhi and Urdu continued to enjoy government patronage and privileged status. A new chain of government schools in the name of comprehensive schools was created in rural Sindh and the medium of instruction in them was Urdu. Sindhi speaking students due to language barriers faced difficulties in passing admission tests of those schools as compared to Urdu speaking students. And in this way, that policy deprived Sindhis of equal educational opportunities in interior Sindh.

Despite resistance form native Sindhis, government remain stuck to its goal of cultural unification. The enthusiasm demonstrated by authorities for cultural integration created apprehension amongst Sindhi public that government intended annihilation of Sindhi culture. Those policies were believed as replica of the strategy pursued by Russian authorities during Socialist regime and Tsarist era for cultural genocide of their subject nationalities. Government instructed the staff of Pakistan post offices department to avoid delivery of letters if address was written in Sindhi language or name of Sindh was mentioned for places situated in Sindh region. Names of certain towns which previously had word ‘Sindh’ were changed i.e. Hyderabad Sindh railway station’s name was renamed as Hyderabad railway station. Urdu sign board replaced the sign boards written in Sindhi. Native population responded that policy by clandestinely rewriting names of railway stations in Sindhi language which were written in Urdu by government officials. All the legislation was printed in Sindhi language during erstwhile era of One-Unit. Most the legislation during One-Unit period was published in Urdu language. Preservation of official record was done in Sindhi that tradition changed during one-Unit. Cancellation of funds by new government which were allocated for Sindhi cultural and linguistic institutions by provincial government of Sindh was another example of non-friendly attitude of One-Unit administration. In a bid to seek concessions from government, a charter of demands was presented by indigenous Sindhi students to concerned ministry. Memorandum pointed out the non-participation of any person associated with native Sindhi population in preparation of all language policies implemented by government after independence up till that time. Representative delegation of Sindhi students also demanded solution of language issue through adjudication. They proposed to constitute a commission of impartial experts for that purpose.

Migration of outsiders in Sindh especially after independence shifted demographic balance against native’s majority. Karachi’s 432% growth of population during two decades of 40s and 50s is an unmatchable phenomenon throughout known human history. Establishment of One-Unit further enhanced the pace of Punjabis and Pukhtoon settlement in Sindh. Settlement of 4.5 million people from other regions in Sindh during One-Unit period is a glaring evidence of phenomenal increase in outsiders’ influx. The period witnessed the increase in number of Urdu speaking population by four times and Punjabis as well Pukhtoons by approximately twelve times. Influx of outsiders was not only limited to Urban centers but a considerable numbers of people chose to settle in rural areas of interior Sindh. Sindhis did not appreciate the settlers’ evasive attitude for Sindhi culture as they showed lack of interest for Sindhi culture. They preferred for their children to get education from Urdu medium schools. Government transformed the medium of instruction from Sindhi to Urdu in some of the schools established in the areas which received influx of immigrants i.e. in district Sanghar and Tharparkar medium of instruction for number of schools was changed.

Transformation of demographic map had detrimental implications for Sindhi culture along with economic and political loss. Especially Karachi became culturally non-Sindhi and Sindhis were haunted by the specter that incessant migration of outsiders would outnumber them and they would be destined the fate of Dravidian of ancient Sindh who were driven out by Arians. Nationalist intellectuals like G. M. Syed propagated that indigenous Sindhis were facing the serious threat of becoming minority in their own native region.

Conclusion

The prevalent sense of deprivation in Sindh due to injustices perpetrated against them during One-Unit period resulted in a sense of alienation amongst indigenous Sindhis. Majority of the indigenous population were not satisfied with economic, administrative and cultural policies of central government. Settlement of outsiders created long lasting resentments in Sindh. Consequently nationalist were able to convince Sindhi masses that their miserable conditions were because of usurpation of Sindh’s resources by outsiders. The situation provided a favorable ground for Sindhi nationalism to flourish. It was the period when the slogans like ‘Jeay Sindh’ (long live Sindh) got popularity and twilight period of 60s witnessed a vigorous popular campaign in Sindh for annulment of One-Unit and restoration of Sindh’s provincial status.

It is evident that sense of marginalization developed due to significant socio-economic and political inequalities which existed between Sindhis and non-Sindhis. When socio-economic and political disparities coincide with cultural and linguistic denial by the dominant groups, the situation becomes more fertile to give birth to ethnic conflict and nationalist tendencies that may lead to chaotic situation at later stage. Hence, state authorities need to ensure an equal and due representation of all the ethnic groups in provincial and national power structures.

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Excerpts from Pakistan Social Sciences Review (March 2020)

Sultan Mubariz Khan is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and IR, University of Gujrat, Pakistan; Misbah Shaheen is Lecturer, Department of Politics &IR, University of Sargodha, and Aaqib Shahzad Alvi is Lecturer, Department of Social Work at the same university.

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