Shakhnoza Pulatova Makhmudjanovna

Globalization has become a dominant force in shaping the modern world. Its rapid pace has led to a profound interconnection of economies, cultures, and societies. While this interconnectedness brings many advantages such as increased communication, cultural exchange, and economic growth, it also poses significant challenges, particularly for national identities. In an era of global flows of information and culture, the question arises: How can young people maintain a strong sense of national identity while embracing the global world around them? This paper explores the importance of educating youth in the spirit of nationalism within the context of globalization, focusing on Uzbekistan’s approach to preserving its cultural and national heritage in the face of global influences.

The importance of nationalism in the era of globalization

Nationalism, often viewed as a force that fosters division and isolationism, is, in reality, a powerful tool for uniting individuals under a common sense of identity and purpose. In the context of globalization, nationalism is not about rejecting the outside world but about preserving and celebrating the unique aspects of one’s culture, language, and history. The challenge lies in finding a balance between embracing global trends and maintaining a deep connection to national roots.

In Uzbekistan, as in many other countries, globalization has brought both opportunities and threats. On one hand, it has opened up new avenues for trade, technology, and cultural exchange, enriching Uzbek society. On the other hand, it has also exposed young people to foreign cultural influences, leading to concerns that the youth might lose touch with their national identity and heritage. In this environment, fostering a strong sense of nationalism among young people is crucial for ensuring that they remain grounded in their culture while engaging with the global community.

Challenges faced by youth in a globalized world

The rapid spread of digital media and the internet has allowed youth to access global culture and ideas instantaneously. Platforms like social media, streaming services, and international news outlets expose young people to a constant flow of content that often prioritizes global rather than local perspectives. This can create confusion for youth who may find themselves caught between two worlds: their national heritage and the global culture they consume.

In Uzbekistan, as in many countries in Central Asia, there is a growing concern that Western-style consumerism, popular media, and technology are overshadowing local traditions, languages, and values. Young people are increasingly exposed to global lifestyles and consumption patterns, which may conflict with traditional Uzbek ways of life. This can lead to a crisis of identity, as youth struggle to reconcile modern global trends with their national culture.

Furthermore, the educational system often emphasizes global perspectives, such as the importance of foreign languages, international relations, and global economies. While these subjects are vital in today’s interconnected world, they can sometimes overshadow the study of national history, culture, and traditions. As a result, youth may gain a deeper understanding of global issues but a shallower connection to their own national identity.

The role of education in promoting nationalism

The role of education in shaping national identity is critical, particularly in a globalized world where local cultures can easily be marginalized. In Uzbekistan, the education system plays a key role in nurturing a sense of national pride and cultural awareness among youth. By incorporating national history, language, literature, and art into the curriculum, educators can help students develop a deep appreciation for their heritage and a strong sense of belonging to their country.

1. Incorporating national history and culture into the curriculum:

A key strategy for instilling nationalism in youth is to ensure that they are educated about the history, culture, and traditions of their country. In Uzbekistan, this means emphasizing the rich history of the Silk Road, the cultural contributions of great historical figures like Alisher Navoi, and the importance of the Uzbek language and literature. Teaching youth about the achievements of their ancestors helps them understand the significance of their heritage and the role their nation has played in shaping world history.

Moreover, national cultural events, such as Novruz Bayram (the Persian New Year) and the celebration of Uzbek national heroes, provide important opportunities for youth to engage with their cultural roots. By participating in these celebrations, young people can feel a sense of pride and connection to their country’s rich traditions.

2. Promoting civic responsibility and social engagement:

Nationalism in education should not be limited to teaching history and culture but should also emphasize the importance of civic responsibility and social engagement. Youth should be taught that being a patriotic citizen involves actively contributing to the development of the nation. This can be achieved through community service, environmental initiatives, and participation in local governance.

In Uzbekistan, young people can be encouraged to take pride in their country by engaging in projects that promote the nation’s economic, social, and environmental well-being. For example, youth can participate in campaigns to preserve Uzbekistan’s unique landscapes, or work to promote the Uzbek language and cultural traditions in the face of globalization. By fostering a sense of national duty, youth will feel more connected to their country and be motivated to contribute to its future success.

3. Balancing national identity with global citizenship:

While promoting nationalism is essential, it is also crucial to educate youth about their role in the global community. Nationalism should not be seen as an obstacle to global cooperation but rather as a foundation for engaging with the world on equal terms. Educators in Uzbekistan can teach youth to be proud of their national identity while also fostering an awareness of global issues such as climate change, human rights, and economic inequality.

For example, Uzbek youth can be educated about how their country’s natural resources, agricultural practices, and traditional crafts can contribute to global sustainability. By emphasizing the global relevance of Uzbek culture and achievements, youth can develop a sense of both national pride and global responsibility.

The role of national symbols and traditions

In Uzbekistan, national symbols and traditions play a significant role in reinforcing the sense of national identity. The flag, the national anthem, and traditional attire like the “chapan” (a traditional Uzbek robe) serve as powerful symbols of unity and cultural pride. These symbols, along with traditional music, dance, and art, remind youth of their cultural roots and their connection to the history of their nation.

Moreover, national holidays like Independence Day and the Day of Memory and Honor offer opportunities for young people to reflect on the struggles and sacrifices that led to the establishment of the independent Republic of Uzbekistan. By understanding the importance of these events, youth can gain a deeper appreciation for the country’s sovereignty and the collective efforts of its people.

Conclusion

In conclusion, globalization presents both opportunities and challenges for the younger generation in Uzbekistan. While it is essential for youth to engage with the global world, it is equally important for them to maintain a strong connection to their national identity and cultural heritage. Nationalism, when approached positively and inclusively, can provide a sense of pride, unity, and purpose that strengthens both individual and collective identity.

By educating youth in the spirit of nationalism, Uzbekistan can ensure that future generations are grounded in their cultural roots while also prepared to participate in the global community. A balanced education system that emphasizes both national pride and global awareness is key to shaping a future where youth can thrive both at home and abroad.

In the context of globalization, educating youth in the spirit of nationalism is crucial for preserving national identity while engaging with the global community. Globalization offers numerous opportunities, but it also presents challenges, especially for young people who may face the risk of losing touch with their cultural heritage. In Uzbekistan, as in many countries, fostering a strong sense of nationalism among youth is essential to ensure that they remain connected to their cultural roots while participating in global affairs.

Recommendations

1. Enhancing the education system

It is vital for Uzbekistan’s education system to incorporate national history, literature, and cultural heritage more deeply into the curriculum. Teaching young people about their national heritage, historical figures, and cultural achievements can help them develop a sense of pride and understanding of their roots. By emphasizing the contributions of Uzbek scholars, artists, and leaders, youth can develop stronger connections to their national identity.

2. Balancing global culture and national identity

While fostering global awareness is important, youth must also be taught how to maintain their national identity in the face of global influences. Education should promote a sense of pride in one’s heritage while encouraging youth to engage with the world’s issues. This approach can help them understand that national identity is not in conflict with global citizenship, but rather can complement it, enriching both the individual and society.

3. Supporting national traditions and celebrations

National holidays and cultural events play an essential role in reinforcing a sense of national pride. Celebrating events like Novruz and Independence Day gives young people the opportunity to reflect on their country’s history and achievements. Additionally, involving youth in cultural activities such as music, dance, and art can help them feel more connected to their traditions and foster a greater appreciation for their cultural legacy.

4. Promoting the Uzbek language

The preservation and promotion of the Uzbek language should be a key focus in nurturing national identity. Teaching the Uzbek language not only enables youth to engage with their cultural heritage but also strengthens their sense of belonging. By emphasizing the importance of the national language in education, media, and public life, young people can develop a stronger connection to their culture and identity.

5. Integrating innovation with national values

In the globalized world, fostering innovation should go hand-in-hand with the preservation of national values. Uzbek youth can be encouraged to engage in innovative fields such as technology, entrepreneurship, and environmental sustainability while staying rooted in their cultural traditions. By showing how national values can contribute to global challenges, youth will be motivated to create solutions that reflect both national pride and global responsibility.

Reflections

To successfully educate youth in the spirit of nationalism in the context of globalization, collaboration among families, schools, universities, and community organizations is essential. The education system must foster a comprehensive approach that not only promotes a deep understanding of national culture and history but also prepares youth to contribute to global issues. This balanced education will help youth understand that their identity is not limited to their country’s borders but is part of a larger global community.

Additionally, nationalism should not be viewed as an obstacle to global cooperation but as a foundation upon which youth can build meaningful relationships with the world. By instilling a sense of national pride and cultural awareness, while also promoting global engagement, Uzbekistan can nurture future generations of citizens who are proud of their heritage and ready to contribute to the world.

In conclusion, educating youth in the spirit of nationalism in Uzbekistan is not only about preserving cultural heritage but also about preparing youth to navigate the complexities of the globalized world. By creating an education system that emphasizes both national identity and global responsibility, Uzbekistan can ensure that its youth are well-equipped to thrive in both local and global contexts. This approach will foster a generation of individuals who are not only rooted in their culture but also active participants in shaping the global future.

References:

1. Giddens A. Runaway World: How Globalization is Reshaping Our Lives. ─London: Routledge, 2002.
2. Held D., & McGrew A. Globalization/Anti-Globalization: Beyond the Great Divide. ─Cambridge: Polity, 2007.
3. Kymlicka W. Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism, Multiculturalism, and Citizenship. ─Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.
4. National Statistical Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan. ─Tashkent: Annual Statistical Reports, 2024.
5. Shodiev A. Youth and National Identity in Central Asia: Cultural, Political, and Social Dimensions. ─Tashkent: Tashkent University Press, 2020.
6. Smith, A. D. National Identity. ─Nevada: University of Nevada Press, 1991.
7. The Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan.

Read: The Question of Sub-nationalism in Pakistan

_________________

Shakhnoza Pulatova Makhmudjanovna is 4^th year student at International Islamic Academy of Uzbekistan, Faculty of Classical Oriental Philology, Department of Philology (Arabic Language)

The post Nationalism’s Importance in an Age of Globalization first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Souad Khalil | Libya

Arts are diverse, and the creative process of perception is affirmed in discovering distinction and wonder, leading to deeper understanding and comprehensive insight. This allows for the extraction of philosophical and aesthetic meanings that shape the artist’s vision, whose renewed creativity is etched into the vocabulary of time. Consequently, countless forms of art have emerged, transcending both form and essence.

Visual arts, as one of the expressive arts, engage the senses and shape perceptions through their styles, techniques, and visual and cognitive references. They represent a first-rate human creative endeavor. We can consider it a continuation of accumulated social and cultural influences, connecting a cosmic system of ideas, values, and aesthetics in their spatial and temporal variability and their spiritual and material significance. This is also influenced by the impulses of survival and displacement due to the dominance of power and the social model that wields authority over thought, culture, and the aesthetics of the center, along with its ability to link the culture of the periphery with its absorptive capacity.

As we often note, visual arts, like all forms of art, are necessarily a social activity that shapes the individual as a gifted and refined entity, the first building block and active step in the creative ego, influenced by intuition, imagination, culture, and the perceptions of the social and environmental reality. The geographical boundaries available to the collective self form the details of identity and the dynamics of the community (the “I” and “we”), merging individuals into a unified whole.

In this article, we will highlight the role of visual arts as a visual, intellectual, and aesthetic value within the global cultural discourse, serving as a universal language that enters the realm of globalization in all its manifestations.

In this context, I read a study by Abdullah Abu Rashed about the arts and how they serve as a primary threshold to globalization. Due to the significance and depth of this study, I will summarize its key points.

He states that visual arts have been and continue to be a fertile ground and a favorable climate for the winds of control and the penetration of global periods in their temporal and leadership variations. In other words, the dominance of the prevailing social, political, and economic system imposes itself as an ideal model for the benefits of peoples, nations, and ethnicities, considering its alienating self as the center of the cosmic galaxy and the pathway to safety and everlasting happiness. This repetitive and shifting globalization alters social and ideological forms influenced by the logic of power, seizing all the dynamics of global movement, encompassing its material, human, and spiritual components. Globalization continuously asserts itself as the center of the universe. The current globalization, or “Americanization,” is merely a result of numerous dynamics and qualitative shifts in the historical trajectory of human society. It is an overwhelming globalization that transcends previous patterns of hegemony, entering through the gateway of universality to create innovative mechanisms that supersede past models. Thus, the image—the visual perceptions—becomes the logical outcome of the visual representations of visual arts.

Globalization eliminates the duality of the two global poles, establishing the riddle of the global pole, with countries on the periphery serving the global center, where America occupies this center with its technical, financial, cognitive, military, economic, and aesthetic prowess. The current globalization, in the logic of hegemony and containment, does not penetrate the culture of the other, divorced from the dynamics of visual arts as a prior visual language to image technology. Instead, this creative human field serves as the primary conduit for realizing the dynamics of the global situation across other absorptive paths—economically, politically, militarily, technically, and culturally. It is the objective equivalent and suitable ground for all these penetrations into the cultures of peoples and the globe.

The fine arts (visual arts) have served as the foundational institute for the emergence of globalization in its comprehensive meaning, concerning the dynamics of excitement, motivation, visual and emotional possession, and values that enter our souls, bringing joy and tranquility, and aligning us with their aesthetic perceptions as a form of cultural interaction expressing an intuition that resides in hearts and manifests in emotional and impressionistic sensations accepting their mechanisms, domains, and dazzling techniques.

In this context, visual arts become the easiest and most dangerous gateway to penetrating minds and building a sensory visual culture prior to cognitive activation (formal perceptions), touching on the specificity of social strata, the elite class, and cultural nuances, as it is a human message filled with symbols and signs aimed at awakening visual memory in a conscious effort to activate cognitive and aesthetic perceptions, dedicated to the aesthetics of place and the perceptions of existence, objects, and beings, and the sensory and emotional interactions of individuals within specific cultural frameworks. This transcends the limitations of linguistic expression, literary description, geography, nationalities, and cultures, as well as the manifestations of human civilization in changing global garments according to the culture of the center and its tendencies to achieve physical penetration through the cultural front and via the umbrella of globalization and modernity at times, and the arts of postmodernity at others.

Thus, visual arts, as a visual, intellectual, and aesthetic value, are under the hammer of global cultural discourse, becoming an appropriate medium for entering the realm of globalization in all its manifestations—taste, visual and aesthetic appreciation, criticism, and utility—reflecting a community culture that mirrors the spirit of the dominant and prevailing culture according to this or that global trajectory. Consequently, there is a total acquisition of the mechanisms of interaction with the artistic product—concepts, theories, and practical applications, both aesthetic and commercial—more comprehensively absorbing the innovative human self and appropriating the culture of the other artistically, aesthetically, and intellectually. This solidifies the narrow individualistic tendencies, which are independent of their collective surroundings, falling within the context of star-making policies and establishing an artistic foundation that supports and nurtures the fields of visual arts culturally, aesthetically, financially, and with an interacting audience, driven by an intentional purpose to generalize the culture and visuals of the dominant global model in visual arts as an artistic self aligned with the spirit of the thought and policies controlling the activities of the cosmic community and its existential data materially, intellectually, and humanly. It proposes a cultural and visual model based on normative and value frameworks that express its true essence, aiming to spread culture and build its fragile dynamics, replacing and altering the culture of this or that community. This is evident in the historical context of tracking historical milestones, changes, and the patterns of its existence in visual arts from ancient times to the present.

Modern arts in visual arts, which emerged amidst cultural burdens and more deviant and penetrating visual discourses than the global eras themselves, play a functional role in penetrating vision as a natural precursor to penetrating minds and ideas. The noticeable displacements in all knowledge fields and what they propose in the commodity market reflect a culture of alienation that activates deliberate patterns of communication and interaction with aesthetics, cultures, relationships, tastes, and classes, dedicated to global concepts operating under pragmatic paths of development and progress, keeping pace with the spirit of the era and its scientific and technological changes, and the dynamics of star-making at times, and the illusion of universality in most cases. The deliberate methodological absurdity aims to dismantle the walls of academia, innovation, and the specificities and aesthetics of place and human culture, leading to a smooth yet suspicious transition towards European central tendencies in art, culminating in contemporary global (American) tendencies, surpassing in its data, culture, perceptions, and formal visual vocabularies, and its intellectual and aesthetic content the existential values of humanity, reducing it to a mere commercial commodity registered in the global art stock market, akin to other industrial products that achieve profit and accumulate wealth and added value for capital in a clear nihilistic utility, held by a small elite.

In this study, it is stated that both ancient and modern visual arts do not fall within the framework of being a predominantly European art in terms of visual, technical, intellectual, and methodological aesthetics. The European central tendencies in visual arts serve as a descriptive metaphor for the artistic globalization that has indeed materialized in the cultural landscape across all facets of the cosmic map, through the generalization of the European-Western model in visual arts across all disciplines, which is forcibly imposed in one way or another on all countries, peoples, and academic institutions, establishing a comprehensive hegemony, serving as a visual and cognitive memory dedicated to European-Western concepts, ideas, values, literature, and theories. Was not visual and sculptural art in the hands of priests and temple keepers, producing its productive effects through its elite exclusivity, resulting in dozens of artworks as symbolic and referential indicators of the influence and control of the ruling social classes who possess the dynamics of reality and hold the keys to its culture and components? Did not the arts of the Greeks and Romans reflect the effects and aesthetics of the spirit of the ruling social culture, establishing elite artistic models aligned with these classes? Are not the Italian Renaissance arts and the revivalist artistic schools, which were born from Greek and Roman arts, dedicated to the birth of central tendencies and the culture of the European center as visual and cultural references, guiding all scholars, researchers, enthusiasts, and professionals from all corners of the earth? Have not European modern arts, in turn, constituted a continuous fabric of globalization in visual arts within its human visual and cognitive context, functioning as an objective, analogous counterpart to the innovation of other creative platforms, leading to nihilistic postmodern arts (objectivity) as a formal counterpart to the culture of the dominant globalization (Americanization) in the domains of politics, thought, culture, aesthetics, science, and information technology? Can we not assert that visual arts serve as a sensory culture that precedes cultural penetrations in generalizing the culture of the self in the other, rendering it dependent in the orbit of the center’s references, existing within diverse and multiple patterns and roles, with Arab expressions of “Orientalism” as a primary example?

Visual arts, as an innovative product, its components, audience, and promoters, are based on the law of containment and dependency on the other’s culture and model. It is well known that the elite and cultured aristocratic classes capture this and support it with all necessary financial and media resources, as this elite class has its intentional goals and purposes. Visual arts have always been an elite art, and they cannot remain otherwise; they are appreciated and produced by (especially) the wealthy few who own capital, from ancient times to the present day. The artistic product, whether innovative or produced, and its audience can only be aligned with its elitist nature; it cannot become a culture for the general public that sustains it like daily bread or a popular phenomenon.

The allure of visual perceptions, as an image produced by human hands, offers familiar sensory perceptions to the recipient, varying according to their levels, genres, and modes of consciousness, culture, and references. These visual repetitions and intentional scenic positions become a form of “familiar habit” and a culturally accepted traditional norm in artistic products that correspond to and imitate elite artistic moods tethered to the references of the center’s culture.

The artistic painting has been the vital field for exercising the initial visual-haptic penetration of the effects of artistic globalization in its visual determinants and historical development, matching the symbolic culture of ruling societies. This transforms immediate, fleeting sensory perceptions into stable cognitive perceptions that, over time, evolve into contemplative moments that embody admiration of the moment and engage cognitive and imaginative faculties. The smooth transition from spontaneous sensory experiences to intentional sensory pathways—cognitive perceptions—accepting the model as a cultural and visual event that cannot be dispensed with, serving as cultural references and a renewable visual memory that cannot be escaped, seizing the dynamics of hegemony through the effects of sensory perceptions leading to cognitive perceptions and permanent referential tendencies.

The recipient interacting with interactive visual spectacles across various levels is led from a moment of emotional astonishment and imaginative visual dynamics to contemplative-intellectual intuitions interacting with the surfaces of the painting, its material, techniques, lines, colors, and the cosmic structures of artistic vocabulary, creating a sense of momentary admiration and entering the realm of globalization in dependency and imitative layering in themes, subjects, and symbols, along with the techniques employed. Its innovations become a refined human self, shaped by the allure of globalization and the drift towards embodying the culture of the dominant global center.

Read: Popular Dance: Is It Folklore?

_________________

Souad Khalil, hailing from Libya, is a writer, poet, and translator. She has been writing on culture, literature and other general topics.

All images provided by the author 

The post Globalization and the Visual Arts first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Can we empower young people to be both connected to the globe and grounded in their culture?

Dilobar Maxmarejabova Elbek | Uzbekistan

“Modern wars will no longer be fought with weapons, but with ideas. The goal will be to distort the thinking of our youth.”

— Islam Karimov, First President of Uzbekistan

We live in an era where information travels across continents in seconds, where a cultural shift in one part of the world can influence the mindset of a young person thousands of kilometers away. This is the power—and the peril—of globalization. And in the heart of Central Asia, in countries like Uzbekistan, it’s not just progress that is arriving at our doorsteps, but also a silent crisis: the cultural and spiritual erosion of our youth.

The 21st century is marked by technological triumphs. Our lives have become more connected, more informed, and more digitized. Yet in this wave of innovation, young people in developing and post-Soviet countries find themselves torn between tradition and trend. They are learning, evolving, and adopting—but at what cost?

When Progress Threatens Identity

There is nothing inherently wrong with globalization. In fact, it offers invaluable opportunities for learning, innovation, and cross-cultural exchange. But each nation carries with it a unique soul—embedded in its history, traditions, and moral values. For Uzbekistan, this identity is rooted in the legacy of thinkers like Alisher Navoi, Ibn Sina, Al-Khwarizmi, and Al-Biruni—giants whose wisdom once shaped the course of human knowledge.

Read: Loss of Native Languages Leads to a Generation’s Identity Crisis

Yet today, many of our youth struggle to name these intellectual forefathers. Instead, they idolize imported pop culture, replicate global social media trends, and embrace superficial modernity that often contradicts local values. From imitating art forms born in foreign contexts to defacing historic buildings with graffiti in the name of “expression,” we are witnessing a cultural drift that can no longer be ignored.

This is not an argument against modernization or art. It is a call for balance. A plea for young people to know where they come from before deciding where they are going.

The Cultural Cost of Belonging Everywhere—and Nowhere

In an attempt to belong to a global narrative, many young people are losing touch with their own. Cultural pride is not nationalism; it is self-respect. And preserving heritage does not mean rejecting the world—it means entering it with dignity.

The future of our youth must not come at the cost of forgetting the past. The ancient cities of Samarkand, Bukhara, and Khiva are not just tourist destinations; they are breathing textbooks of our ancestors’ contributions to science, literature, and philosophy. When these landmarks are defaced, when traditions are mocked, it is not just stone that is broken—but memory, identity, and self-worth.

Moving Forward with Roots Intact

Technology is here to stay. Globalization will continue. The question is: Can we raise a generation that embraces the modern world without abandoning its own? Can we empower young people to be both connected to the globe and grounded in their culture?

We must. Because only when young people know who they are, will they know how to lead.

Read: Journey of European Development: From Ancient Roots to Modern Integration

__________________

Dilobar Maxmarejabova Elbek qizi is a second-year student at the University of Journalism and Mass Communications, majoring in Philology and English Language Teaching. She is passionate about topics such as youth, spirituality, globalization, and cultural heritage. Through her writing, she seeks to draw attention to pressing social issues and contribute to meaningful discussions on identity and values in the modern world.

The post Globalization: Lost Identity of Generation first appeared on Sindh Courier.

By Tom Arms

It is time for a review of the hip thigh bone theory of the world. The theory is based on the 1920s African-American spiritual “Dem bones, Dem Bones, Dem Dry Bones.”

The ditty in turn was based on a Biblical passage in which a collection of dry bones reassemble themselves before the astonished eyes of the prophet Ezekiel.

The foot-tapping, hand-clapping tune is a roof raiser in evangelical churches around the world. It is also a popular song in young children’s anatomy classes.

For the purposes of this article, however, it is a perfect metaphor of how the rapidly shrinking and interconnected world has become increasingly dependent on its constituent parts (or bones) working together. Recognition of this interconnectability is becoming increasingly important as the world’s political leaders appear to be intent on disassembling the skeletons and protecting their constituent parts behind fast growing economic, political and—sometimes—physical walls.

Globalization has become a dirty word. Forget the fact that it lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty in the 1990s and early part of the 21st century. And that it ushered in decades of growth and low inflation. Substituted in its place is the mantra of “economic security” and “national interests.”

Also forget the fact that the new buzzwords totally ignore reality. Like it or not– that the world body politic has become totally interconnected. In fact, the bones that comprise the skeleton of our globe are not so much connected as fused  and then overlaid with a complex web of nerves, muscles, sinews, international political and trade organs, ligaments and a protective skin of military alliances. In fact, it seems, that the only thing missing from this political metaphor is a functioning brain.

The advantages of free trade are not new. They have been propounded for centuries. They are at the very core of the capitalist’s Bible, Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations and were later developed by David Ricardo who urged countries to exploit their “comparative advantage” through free trade.

Free trade is also one of the recognized major contributors to world peace. You are much less likely to go to war with a country which you depend on for your financial well-being. This concept was at the very heart of the creation of the European Union, and until Ukraine, has prevented any major European wars for 77 years—the longest period of European peace in history.

The two biggest threats to free trade are the world’s two biggest economies—China and the United States. Both are raising tariff barriers and increasing subsidies to protect their industries from competition from each other. The trade war started with Donald Trump but has continued under the Biden Administration. US tariffs on Chinese imports currently average 19.3 percent and cover 66.4 percent of Chinese goods—six times higher than in 2018.

President Biden is on the cusp of announcing new tariffs to protect the US electric vehicle market, steel industry, aluminum production and shipbuilding. But his plans are nothing compared to those of Trump who wants to impose an across-the-board 60 percent tariff on Chinese imports.

China has tariffs too—five to 25 percent on American imports. But its biggest spanner in the world economy’s machinery is subsidies. According to the Centre for Strategic International Studies, China devotes nearly two percent of its GDP to bankrolling its industry. This compares to 0.39 percent that the US government spends on subsidizing American industry.

At the moment, US subsidies are focused on developing green technology– $369 billion through the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). This is unpopular with America’s competitors because part of the IRA is a “buy American” policy which is encouraging foreign-based companies to relocate to the US.

The Sino-America trade war and the IRA means that the world’s largest trading bloc, the European Union, is in danger of following suit because of fears that it needs protection from the two super powers. Meanwhile, Russia—along with China and a growing number of players from the Global South—are pursuing a policy of might is right in the belief that they will gain advantage in the ensuing chaos.

The trade wars have inevitably spilled over into the military and political fields. The Ukraine War is the most obvious example. Except for its oil and gas resources, Russia has comparatively few advantages in an economic conflict. Its economy is smaller than Italy’s– $1.7 trillion GDP compared to the Italian GDP of $2.1 trillion, and doesn’t even come close to the American GDP of $20.5 trillion. Russia, however, is a military super power, so it follows David Ricardo’s advice and exploits its “comparative advantage.”

The Ukraine War has in turn encouraged an American isolationist lobby who have tired of the “endless wars” that have plagued US foreign policy since the end of the Cold War. In response to the US isolationists French President Emmanuel Macron recently called on fellow European leaders to shake off their decades-long dependence on the American nuclear umbrella, thus threatening the cohesion of NATO from both sides of the Atlantic.

The world is in danger of tearing out its global backbone. And once disassembled, the bones of the world body politic will not magically reassemble as they did in the Book of Ezekiel, Chapter 37, verses 1 through 14.

World Review

It was a week of military parades, trumpets, nuclear saber-rattling and an inauguration in Russia this week.

It started with another threat from President Vladimir Putin when he announced on Monday the start of military exercises involving non-strategic nuclear weapons. This was in response to America releasing its $61 billion aid package to Ukraine, and the repetition of French President Emmanuel Macron’s threat to consider sending French troops to Ukraine.

Then there was Putin’s inauguration as he started his fifth term in office with a long walk past applauding crowds lining the red-carpeted corridors of the Kremlin. Putin’s first inauguration in 2000 was hailed as Russia’s transition to democracy. This one followed an election in which he “won” 87.5 percent of the vote while all his political opponents were either dead, in exile or in prison.

On Thursday it was the Victory Day Parade to mark the end of what the Russians call “The Great Patriotic War.” May Day was the big parade in Soviet days. May 9, was important, but it was not even a public holiday until 1965. Putin, has revived the celebration and elevated it to a collective remembrance resembling a religion.

One of the highlights of the parade is the march of the “Immortal Regiment” in which relatives troop past the reviewing stand holding aloft pictures of family members who died in the war. The scene is reminiscent of icons being carried in Russian Orthodox Church services. The 60th and 70th anniversaries of the war’s end (in 2005 and 2015) were the biggest public holidays in Russia since the fall of the Soviet Union.

Meanwhile, in Ukraine, the inauguration and Victory Day were marked by increased Russian bombardments and missile attacks as Russian troops tried to gain the military upper hand before the latest batch of Western military aid arrived.

____________________________

The two main Palestinian factions—Hamas and Fatah—hate each other almost as much as they do the Netanyahu government.

They have barely spoken since 2007 when Hamas won elections in Gaza and booted Fatah and the Palestinian Authority out of the seaside strip.

That is why it is significant that representatives from the two factions met recently in Moscow and Beijing. The Chinese meeting was especially interesting because Beijing is keen to project itself as Middle East peace broker as opposed to its characterization of the US as Middle East war monger.

The Chinese have already successfully brokered the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between regional rivalries Iran and Saudi Arabia. Shortly after that success, foreign minister Wang Yi wrote to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu offering to mediate in the decades-old Arab-Israel conflict. Netanyahu politely refused.

Brokering a rapprochement between Fatah and Hamas could be a diplomatic back door for Beijing to constructively inject itself into the Middle East conflict. It is generally agreed that the two-state solution is the logical solution to the conflict.

The Israeli government, however, is adamantly opposed to living alongside a properly constituted and recognized Palestinian state. And as long as there are two warring Palestinian factions, Israel will play them off against each other and prevent the two-state result that the international community (including China) seeks.

According to the Chinese Foreign Ministry, the Beijing talks between Hamas and Fatah were “in depth and candid” with a clear purpose of promoting “Palestinian reconciliation.” The Chinese added that they yielded “encouraging progress” and that more talks were planned.

__________________________

Donald Trump appears to be desperate to be sent to jail. What a political coup that would be.It would be the ultimate proof of his martyrdom. He would happily languish behind bars so he could claim that he was the victim of a Biden-controlled political witch hunt.

Oh, and how he would suffer. He would grasp the crown of thorns and shout from the jailhouse steps that he was suffering at the hands of the democrat-controlled deep state on behalf of the millions of “oppressed little people.”

There is, of course, a long history of political prisoners being dispatched to prison, only to be declared a martyr to their principles and raised to power upon their release. Nelson Mandela is perhaps the best known example. He spent 27 years at the notorious Robben Island prison before leading his country out of apartheid.

In fact, a spell in prison, is considered a passage of rite in many countries. The fact that the political figure is prepared to endure the rigours of prison life is seen by many as proof of their commitment to the political values they espouse.

The list of such figures is a long one. Fidel Castro, Martin McGuinness, Indira Gandhi, Jomo Kenyatta, Dilma Vana and Kim Dae-jung, are just a few of the political leaders who have risen to the top after a spell behind bars.

Judge Juan Merchan—the trial judge in the Stormy Daniels case—is all too aware of Trump’s pursuit of martyrdom. It probably explains why he has not yet thrown him into prison and has restricted himself to fining the former president. The total fines to date– $9,000—is probably less than the daily lunch bill for Trump’s legal team.

And there is unfortunately, a limit on the financial penalties that he can impose. On top of that, having threatened jail time, the judge would look foolish if Trump continued to flout the court’s strictures. Judge Merchan is trying to keep politics out of his courtroom by keeping Trump out of prison. Trump is doing his best to bring politics into the courtroom by doing his utmost to goad the judge into sending him to prison.

____________________________

Remember Nikki Haley? Quite a few others have not forgotten her. The former Governor of South Carolina and US Ambassador to the United Nations is still winning votes even though her name is not on the ballot and she has withdrawn from the race for the Republican presidential nomination.

It is not generally reported, but the Republican primaries are still in progress. Donald Trump has won enough of them to secure the Republican nomination at the party’s July convention in Milwaukee. But the primaries do not end until June.

Thus it is worth noting that Trump is not clean sweeping the remaining ballots. On Thursday Ambassador Haley secured 21.8 percent of the Republican votes as a write-on in Indiana. This is not a fluke. Since she dropped out of the race, Haley has won 13.2 percent of the vote in Georgia, 17.8 percent in Arizona, 14.4 percent in Ohio, 12.8 percent in Wisconsin and 16.6 percent in Pennsylvania. Not bad for someone who isn’t even running for office.

And not good for Trump because it indicates that there are still a large number of Republicans who oppose his return to the White House. In fact, there are indications of a growing rebellion against the far-right Republican tail that has been recently wagging the party dog.

Also on Thursday there was a vote in the House of Representatives on whether Mike Johnson would be allowed to remain in the Speaker’s chair. Marjorie Taylor Greene carried out her threat to challenge the Speaker for allowing the vote on aid for Ukraine. She managed to garner a mere 43 votes for the proposed ousting of Johnson. A total of 163 Democrats joined forces with 196 Republicans in a bipartisan slap in the face for Ms. Greene and MAGA.

Read: Observations of an Expat: Campus Powder Keg

_________________

Tom Arms is foreign editor of Liberal Democrat Voice. He is also the author of “The Encyclopaedia of the Cold War” and “America Made in Britain.” To subscribe to his email alerts on world affairs click here https://tomarms.substack.com/publish/posts

The post Observations of an Expat: The Hip Thigh Bone Theory of the World first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Zaheer Udin Babar Junejo

 This is not a century-old tale, it is just four decades ago when life was simple, yet fulfilling. The scorching sun and heat waves did not deter the people from enjoying their daily activities. In fact, they cherished the old trees that provided shade and coolness in the blistering heat. At night, people slept comfortably in wet mosquito nets, while the refreshing water in clay pots was more satisfying than what modern refrigerators offer today. The days when enjoying a bath in the rain was a blessing rather than a cause of infections and visiting relatives and staying for a long time was a demonstration of love and care but never felt like a burden, seems are gone.  The food available in rural areas was always safe and secure to eat, unlike the street food sold in urban areas which was treated with suspicion. The preference for processed and unhealthy food has led to obesity and malnutrition.

However, with the arrival of globalization, the life of rural Sindh changed drastically. We started blaming our social pillars and challenging tested beliefs. The focus shifted from enjoying life to surviving in a new world that prioritized benefiting a few. The traditional activities that once brought joy and happiness, such as churning milk, collecting wood, and playing games requiring full-body engagement, were lost to modernization. The companies defined the values of life, and the media portrayed what is to be human and what is to be right. The majority who followed the pull from companies are now threatened with their survival. No doubt digitally we are connected but we are divided physically. With the disappearance of neighborhoods, and elders, people are becoming more isolated, and the sense of unity is almost eroded.

 __________________

Zaheer Udin Babar Junejo is a Hyderabad-based development professional

The post Time of Comfort and Contentment first appeared on Sindh Courier.

William Robinson

The transnational corporate and political elite were back in Davos, Switzerland, from January 16th-20th for their annual conclave amid the most severe crisis of global capitalism since the founding of the World Economic Forum half a century ago. In earlier years, participants in the exclusive gathering jet-set into the Swiss resort town exuding confidence in the hegemony of global capitalism. But this time around, uncertainty over their ability to manage the crisis, maintain control, destabilize global capitalism and rebuild fractured consensus in their ranks was on full display.

The World Economic Forum served as a premier clearinghouse and planning body of the transnational capitalist class and its political allies during the heyday of capitalist globalization. But now the ruling groups appear to be in permanent crisis management.

The Davos elite are acutely aware that global capitalism faces a series of interlinked crises — what the World Economic Forum’s annual Global Risks Report for 2023 termed a “polycrisis.” The world is facing “inflation, cost-of-living crisis, trade wars, capital outflows from emerging markets, widespread social unrest, geopolitical confrontation and the specter of nuclear war,” warned the report.

These risks are “amplified by comparatively new developments in the global risks landscape, including unsustainable levels of debt, a new era of low growth, low global investment and de-globalization, a decline in human development after decades of progress, rapid and unconstrained development of dual-use (civilian and military) technologies, and the growing pressure of climate change impacts.”

Together, “these are converging to shape a unique, uncertain and turbulent decade to come,” it concluded.

Globalization has resulted in an unprecedented concentration and centralization of capital on a global scale in the hands of the transnational capitalist class.

The World Economic Forum, established in 1971 on the eve of capitalist globalization, brings together the inner circle of the transnational capitalist class and its political representatives in states and international organizations. Each year the cream of the transnational corporate and political elite meet in Davos to size up the state of global capitalism, debate the problems and challenges they face as the global ruling class, and strategize over programs and policies to address these challenges to their class rule. Davos, in a nutshell, is where the lords of transnational capital and their agents gather to hammer out annually how they are to rule.

At the core of the World Economic Forum membership are the CEOs of the top 1,000 transnational corporations (known as “Foundation Members”), who are joined by representatives from 100 of the most influential media groups worldwide, key policymakers from national governments around the world and from international organizations, select academics and experts from political, economic, scientific, social and technological fields.

The Globalization process destabilized and threw into insecurity countless communities, whole countries and regions

This is an ultra-exclusive club that bars general membership: “Leaders” and “Fellows” are by invitation or appointment only. The Davos crowd is a true International of Capital.

Attendance at the annual summit is by invitation only and costs $19,000 per attendee. Among the 2,700 people who attended this year’s meeting:

600+ transnational corporate CEOs

51 Heads of State

56 Finance Ministers

19 Central Bank Governors

30 Trade Ministers

35 Foreign Ministers

The Directors of the leading international Financial and Political organizations such as:

The International Monetary Fund (IMF)

The World Bank

The European Union Central Bank

The United Nations

NATO General Secretary

The Threat From Below

Globalization has unleashed unprecedented inequalities and triggered social and political conflict around the world

Under the aegis of the World Economic Forum, the IMF, other international financial institutions and key Western governments led by the United States, the transnational capitalist class, have pushed a brutal capitalist globalization since the 1980s, in the process destabilizing and throwing into insecurity countless communities, whole countries and regions. This globalization has resulted in an unprecedented concentration and centralization of capital on a global scale in the hands of the transnational capitalist class. In 2018, just 17 global financial conglomerates collectively managed $41.1 trillion, more than half the GDP of the entire planet.

At the same time, globalization has unleashed unprecedented inequalities and triggered social and political conflict around the world. Rising inequality, impoverishment and insecurity for working and popular classes after decades of social decay wrought by neoliberalism are throwing states into crises of legitimacy, destabilizing national political systems and jeopardizing elite control.

Just days before the Davos meeting opened, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace updated its Global Protest Tracker, reporting that over 400 major anti-government protests have erupted worldwide since 2017, a quarter of them have sustained three months or more, many of them involving hundreds of thousands and even millions of protesters, and no less than 32 of them still ongoing as the conclave got underway.

As if to symbolize the spreading global revolt, on day three of the meeting, more than a million people took to the streets in nearby Paris to protest attacks on pensions and other neoliberal policies, while just across the English Channel, U.K. workers pushed forward with a wave of strikes not seen in decades. Not surprisingly, both French President Emmanuel Macron and U.K. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak skipped Davos this year in order to tend to crises at home.

Global capitalism faces a structural crisis of over-accumulation and chronic stagnation. The transnational capitalist class has accumulated obscene amounts of wealth, well beyond what it can reinvest. But the ruling groups also face:

A political crisis of State Legitimacy, Capitalist Hegemony and widespread Social Disintegration

An international crisis of Geopolitical Confrontations

An Ecological Crisis of Epochal proportions

The planetary ecosystem on which human civilization is based is breaking down under the impact of unrestrained global capital accumulation.

As background context, a 2021 U.S. government intelligence report warned that the world “will face more intense and cascading global challenges” in the coming years, including “climate change, disease, financial crises, and technology disruptions” that “are likely to manifest more frequently and intensely in almost every region and country” and that “produce widespread strains on states and societies as well as shocks that could be catastrophic.”

The report went on to note that “the scale of transnational challenges, and the emerging implications of fragmentation, exceeding the capacity of existing systems and structures.”

The Davos attendees this year discussed these varied dimensions of this “polycrisis” at length, but appeared to come up empty-handed on how to restabilize global capitalism and beat back the threat of both mass revolt from below and of right-wing populist, nationalist and neo-fascist challenges to capitalist globalization.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned that the battle against climate change was being lost, while the managing director of the IMF was forced to admit that the world economy is facing “perhaps its biggest test since the Second World War.”

Meanwhile, the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine and the West’s radical political, military and economic response to it, along with the New Cold War between Washington and Beijing, are accelerating the violent crackup of the post-WWII international system. This year, the Russian, Chinese and U.S. heads of state stayed away.

Wither the “Great Reset?”

The COVID-19 pandemic was supposed to have paved the way for “resetting and reshaping” the world in what the World Economic Forum termed the “Great Reset.” This was a euphemism for an effort to restabilize and expand global capitalism through:

More neoliberal deregulation

Application of new digital technologies

More regimented and authoritarian control over the global population, surveillance and technocratic

“Global governance”

But things have not gone as anticipated. Instead, the pandemic accelerated all the contradictions and crisis tendencies of global capitalism, especially the tendency toward an ever-greater concentration of wealth and power in the hands of the transnational capitalist class, which has further fueled mass protest and political instability around the world.

In the midst of a global food and energy crisis, the top 95 food and energy corporations more than doubled their profits in 2022

Each year, the international development agency Oxfam times the release of its annual report on global inequalities to coincide with the Davos meeting. According to this year’s report, “Survival of the Richest,” billionaire fortunes are increasing by $2.7 billion a day even as 1.7 billion or more workers now live in countries where inflation is outpacing wages, and the richest 1 percent of humanity grabbed for itself nearly two-thirds of all new wealth created since 2020.

In the midst of a global food and energy crisis, the top 95 food and energy corporations more than doubled their profits in 2022, according to the report, making $306 billion in windfall profits and paying out $257 billion of that to rich shareholders, at the same time as nearly 1 billion people went hungry. Meanwhile, the Oxfam report warned that three-quarters of the world’s governments are planning austerity-driven public sector spending cuts, including health care and education, by a whopping $7.8 trillion over the next five years.

Geopolitical fragmentation and confrontation are reaching a breaking point in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the New Cold War. The United States is losing its dominant position in the international system, but no new nation-state power has the political authority necessary to take leadership of the now inextricably integrated global economy.

The crisis of hegemony in the international system takes place within this single, integrated global economy.

The end of US-European domination of world capitalism is upon us as the center of gravity of the global economy shifts to China. But China will not become a new hegemon. Rather, the world is moving toward political multi-polarity at a time of acute crisis in global capitalism, prolonged economic turbulence and political decay.

We are facing nothing short of the decay of capitalist civilization. The Davos elite are aware of the severity of the global crisis — that the system is cracking up, that their grip on power is more and more tenuous and dependent on a global police state, and that the global working and popular classes are on the move. But the World Economic Forum’s commitment to defend and expand at all costs the endless accumulation of capital on a world scale — this is its raison d’etre — makes it impossible for the global ruling class to offer viable solutions to the epochal crisis.

Addressing this crisis involves a far-reaching redistribution of wealth and power downward, the regulation of global markets, reining in transnational capital, the demilitarization of global society, and radical environmental measures. Such solutions will only come from mass struggle from below against the Davos ruling class.

_________________

William I. Robinson is a distinguished professor of sociology, global studies and Latin American studies at the University of California at Santa Barbara.

Courtesy: Truthout, a US nonprofit news organization dedicated to providing independent reporting and commentary on a diverse range of social justice issues. (Posted on February 19, 2023) Received in a Google Group through mail. 

The post Davos 2023: Capitalist Rulers Incapable of Resolving Global Crises first appeared on Sindh Courier.

In reality, the path to justice and political stability is also the path to prosperity.

It is the self-deluding withdrawal from the international economy over the last 20 years that has failed American workers, not globalization itself.

By Nazarul Islam

A new consensus has emerged in American politics: that the United States has recklessly pursued international economic openness at the expense of workers and the result has been economic inequality, social pain, and political strife. Both Democrats and Republicans are now advocating “a trade policy for the middle class.” In practice, this seems to mean tariffs and “Buy American” programs aimed at saving jobs from unfair foreign competition.

Any presidency that cares about the survival of American democracy, let alone social justice, must assess its economic policies in terms of overcoming populism. The protectionist instinct rests on a syllogism: the populist anger that elected President Donald Trump was largely the product of economic displacement, economic displacement is largely the product of a laissez-faire approach to global competition, and therefore the best way to capture the support of populist voters is to firmly stand up against unfettered global competition.

This syllogism is embraced by many Democrats, who are determined to recapture an industrial working-class base, and many Republicans, who use it as evidence that the government has sold out American workers in the heartland. For politicians of any stripe, playing to districts where de-industrialization has taken place seems to offer a sure path to election.

Every step of this syllogism, however, is wrong. Populist anger is the result not of economic anxiety but of perceived declines in relative status. The U.S. government has not been pursuing openness and integration over the last two decades.

To the contrary, it has increasingly insulated the economy from foreign competition, while the rest of the world has continued to open up and integrate. Protecting manufacturing jobs benefit only a small percentage of the workforce, while imposing substantial costs on the rest. Nor will there be any political payoff from trying to do so: after all, even as the United States has stepped back from global commerce, anger and extremism have mounted.

In reality, the path to justice and political stability is also the path to prosperity. What the U.S. economy needs now is greater exposure to pressure from abroad, not protectionist barriers or attempts to rescue specific industries in specific places. Instead of demonizing the changes brought about by international competition, the U.S. government needs to enact domestic policies that credibly enable workers to believe in a future that is not tied to their local employment prospects.

The safety net should be broader and apply to people regardless of whether they have a job and no matter where they live. Internationally, Washington should enter into agreements that increase competition in the United States and raise taxation, labor, and environmental standards.

It is the self-deluding withdrawal from the international economy over the last 20 years that has failed American workers, not globalization itself.

Contrary to popular belief, the United States has, on balance, been withdrawing from the international economy for the past two decades. For all the claims that globalization is the source of the country’s political woes, the reality is the opposite: tensions have risen as international competition has fallen. In fact, the country suffers from greater economic inequality and political extremism than most other high-income democracies—countries that have generally increased their global economic exposure.

That is not to say that competition from China and other countries has had no effect on U.S. workers. What it does say, however, is that the effect has occurred even as the U.S. government has swum against the tide of globalization, suggesting that more protectionism is not the answer.

____________________

About the Author

The Bengal-born writer Nazarul Islam is a senior educationist based in USA. He writes for Sindh Courier and the newspapers of Bangladesh, India and America. He is author of a recently published book ‘Chasing Hope’ – a compilation of his 119 articles.

The post A nation’s anger over economic displacement…. first appeared on Sindh Courier.