Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro

There are several saints and shrines in Sindh that require thorough research. Unfortunately, not much has been written about some mystics who likely played an important role in Sindh’s complex religious history. One such saint deserving more research is Shaikh Abro Halani. His shrine is located about 8 km west of Jati town in Sindh’s Sujawal district. I first visited this shrine with the late Zain-ul Qureshi of Jati town and Aziz Kalhoro of Chuhar Jamali town in 2018.

One of the earliest mentions of Shaikh Abro Halani can be found in Tuhfat-ul Kiram by Ali Mir Sher Qani. He briefly describes Shaikh Abro Halani’s shrine as one of the earliest located near the village of Mughalbhen in the Kakarlo region (1989: 438). This information indicates that Shaikh Abro Halani was a prominent figure in the Kakarlo area, which was also home to several other well-known shrines. At that time, the region was ruled by the Kehar Jams, the lords of the Kakarlo state, recognized for their bravery. They fought to defend their territory until it was annexed in 1760 by Ghulam Shah Kalhoro (1757–1772) into his kingdom.

It is said that Shaikh Abro Halani was born in Halani town. Thus, he was known by his birthplace as Halani. A question arises: Did Halani exist at that time? Moreover, nothing has been written about why he moved from Halani, in present-day Naushahro Feroze, to Mughalbhen in Jati town. If one assumes that he was born in Halani, he might have travelled to Muhammad Tur, one of the earliest capitals of the Soomras (1051–1351), which was once a prosperous and flourishing town of Sindh. It is believed that this town was founded by Muhammad Tur Soomro.

Many scholars have written about the remains of Muhammad Tur, though each presents a different view. J Abbot (1992), author of Sind: Re-interpretation of the Unhappy Valley, believes that Muhammad Tur was founded between 900 AD and 1000 AD. However, Mir Ali Sher Qani writes in Tuhfat-ul Kiram (1989) that it was founded by Muhammad Tur Soomro in 654 AH / 1256 AD. Henry Cousens (1998:141) asserts that the town’s first recorded mention relates to the death of Soomra chief Sanghar, which occurred between 485 and 500 AH / 1092-1106 AD. As Sanghar had no sons, his wife Himu Bai entrusted the management of the towns of Muhammad Tur and Tharri to her brothers.

The town of Muhammad Tur attracted many scholars, mystics and teachers from various towns and villages in Sindh and beyond, all seeking new opportunities. Shaikh Abro Halani was likely among those who initially settled in the town of Muhammad Tur, which was a centre of knowledge and learning at that time. The current ruins of Muhammad Tur stand as a testament to its glorious past. These remains are located not far from the town of Jati.

One learns from Professor Dr. Ghulam Ali Allana’s Larr Ji Adabi Ain Saqafati Tareekh (2012:384) that Shaikh Abro Halani was born in 577 AH / 1181 AD in Halani, in the present-day Naushahro Feroze district of Sindh. He argues that Shaikh Abro Halani was fond of travelling. On one occasion, he met another mystic named Syed Hussain (also known as Shah Hussain), son of Syed Fateh Shah Darya, who was on his way to Sorath. Shaikh Abro Halani asked Syed Hussain why he was heading to Sorath. Syed Hussain replied that he had had a dream in which a saintly figure instructed him to become a disciple of Syed Abdul Hadi Jamil Shah Girnari. Syed Hussain then invited Shaikh Abro Halani to accompany him on his journey to Sorath.

Shaikh Abro Halani also expressed his desire to meet and become a disciple of Syed Abdul Hadi Jamil Shah Girnari. They travelled together to Sorath and arrived after several days of journeying. Upon reaching their destination, they met Syed Abdul Hadi Jamil Shah Girnari and were both initiated into the Chishtiyya Silsila, becoming his deputies.

This narrative uncovers some of the missing links that help us understand the mystics and their possible connections to various religious communities in medieval Sindh. It is important to note that religious rivalries sometimes forced members of one group to migrate to another location, where they continued their missionary activities while concealing their true identities.

In this account, I wish to highlight two important points. First, that Shaikh Abro Halani was connected to the tradition of Jamil Shah Girnari. Second, Jamil Shah Girnari had multiple identities, reflecting his outreach to different communities under various names. It was common for Ismailis to adopt dual or multiple identities in their preaching. They often conducted missionary work disguised as Nath or Sufi saints in order to convert others. This practice was one of their key strategies for conversion, as they adhered to the principle of taqiyya. This suggests that a preacher’s true identity was likely known only to his most trusted followers.

Jamil Shah Girnari wandered in the hills of Pacham, Kharir, and several other mountains in Kutch and Gujarat, where his chila-gahs (retreat sites) are located. In my book Sufis, Saints and Shrines: The Mystical Landscape of Sindh, published in 2022, I mention that there are six chila-gahs of Jamil Shah Girnari in Kutch, Gujarat and Rajasthan. He is known by different names at these chila-gahs. At the Kharir chila-gah, he is worshipped as Pir Haji Bhrang Bajro; in the Pacham area, he is referred to as Pachamai Pir; and elsewhere, he is known as Pir Mallinath or Kathar Pir, among other names.

Jamil Shah Girnari held multiple identities in both Sindh and Kutch. In Kutch, he was known by various names, while in Sindh, he possessed a dual identity as Gorakhnath and Jamil Shah Girnari. According to popular folklore, he was brought from Girnar to Pir Ar in Thatta by Pir Patho (known as Gopichand in Hindu tradition) to reclaim a cave from Dayanath, who was converting people. This story has also been documented by George Weston Briggs in his book Gorakhnath and Kanphatta Yogis, published in 1978.

As legend has it, Pir Patho/ Gopichand went to Girnar to complain that he was sitting idle while Dayanath had set the hill of Pir Ar on fire. Knowing through his supernatural vision that Jamil Shah Girnari/ Gorakhnath was coming to Pir Ar, Dayanath fled to Dhinodhar. The story continues that Gorakhnath, using his supernatural power, extended his hand, seized Dayanath by the ear, and brought him back to Pir Ar. He reproached him and split his ears (a customary initiation rite among Naths), thereby making him his disciple.

According to the hagiography of Jamil Shah Girnari, he made Sami Dayanath his disciple. Today, the descendants of that Sami play music at his shrine. This tale likely carries hidden meanings regarding the resistance faced by the Ismaili community from Suhrawardi saints. The assistance of Gorakhnath/ Jamil Shah Girnari by Pir Patho/ Gopichand may have been sought to counter the growing influence of Suhrawardi saints, who were among the first to challenge the authority of the Nizari Ismailis in Sindh.

According to his hagiography, Jamil Shah’s real name was Syed Abdul Hadi. He was also known by the title Jamil Shah, with the nisba Girnari. He was also referred to as Datar. Tuhfat-ul Kiram states that Jamil Shah Girnari came to Pir Ar at the request of Pir Patho. However, some historians in Sindh believe that it was actually Sheikh Bahauddin Zakariya (d. 1262) who instructed Pir Patho to bring Jamil Shah Girnari to Pir Ar.

When Pir Patho met Jamil Shah Girnari in Girnar, he found that two of Jamil Shah’s disciples – Syed Hussain (also known as Shaikh Wajihuddin) and Shaikh Abro Halani, both from Sindh – were already with him. Pir Patho requested Jamil Shah Girnari to accompany him to Pir Ar. He accepted the invitation, subsequently settling in Sindh.

It is also believed that Jamil Shah Girnari was a Chishti saint, initiated into the Chishti tariqa by Khwaja Abbas Noorani. Later, he became a disciple of Sheikh Shahabuddin Suhrawardi (1154–1191). Jamil Shah Girnari passed away in 1244.

Once one understands that Shaikh Abro Halani is connected to the tradition of Jamil Shah Girnari, the picture becomes much clearer. Furthermore, Professor Ghulam Ali Allana notes that Shaikh Abro Halani had a son named Shaikh Jakhro, whose shrine is located in the Pir Lakho graveyard in the Thatta district. I have visited this shrine, which stands within a cemetery featuring canopies and stone-carved graves, primarily associated with the Palija tribe. In addition to funerary monuments, the graveyard also houses the shrines of Pir Lakho, after whom the cemetery is named, and Shaikh Jakhro. The tomb over Shaikh Jakhro’s grave is a simple structure.

To understand Shaikh Abro Halani’s affiliation with any religious community that once thrived during the Soomra rule in Sindh, one must adopt a holistic approach to studying the religious history of medieval Sindh.

There are three tombs in the cemetery of Shaikh Abro Halani. The principal tomb belongs to Shaikh Abro Halani, who died in 1239 AD. It is an impressive structure that appears to have been built in the Eighteenth Century. If one examines the architecture of tombs across the Jati tehsil, it becomes evident that most were constructed in the 17th and 18th Centuries. Although some of these tombs have been renovated, they still retain original elements that help in determining approximate dates of their construction.

The second tomb belongs to Abdul Haleem, the father of Shaikh Abro Halani. The third, made of wood, is the tomb of Jalal Shah Bukhari. It is constructed on an artificially created mound – hence referred to as der waro – and is accessed via a flight of stairs. This mystic lived during the British period (1843-1947).

Maulvi Abdul Hayee Jatoi undertook the renovation of the tombs of Shaikh Abro Halani and Shaikh Abdul Haleem, as well as the mosque in the Shaikh Abro Halani tomb complex.

The followers of Shaikh Abro Halani and his father, Shaikh Abdul Haleem, frequently visit the shrines. People from various communities come to offer their prayers and leave their supplications at the site.

Read: A Mianwal Mystic of Sindh

_______________

The writer is an anthropologist at the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad. He has authored 17 books on Pakistan’s cultural heritage and anthropology. He tweets @kalhorozulfiqar. He may be contacted at zulfi04@hotmail.com

First published by The News

The post Uncovering The Missing Links first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro

Writing about village histories and exploring their various aspects has always been one of my favourite subjects. When discussing village histories, it is important to consider the development of new shrines, both those associated with Sufi orders and those without any ties to Sufi traditions. Understanding the sociocultural context in which these sacred spaces or shrines emerge and evolve is essential. Since 1998, I have been studying the sacred spaces in the Pothohari villages. The shrines are an essential part of the Pothohari landscape and play a significant role in various communities throughout the region. I have visited nearly every notable village that hosts shrines associated with established Sufi orders. One particularly noteworthy village is Harraka, famous for the shrine of the Sufi saint Pir Syed Said Shah Gilani. Harraka, a historic village located in the Rawalpindi tehsil, can be accessed via the Rawat Chakbeli Road. This village is renowned for Gilani mystics, who are spiritually connected to Khwaja Shamsuddin Sialvi, alias Pir Sial, and his spiritual master, Khwaja Shah Muhammad Suleiman Taunsvi, alias Pir Pathan.

The shrine complex of Pir Syed Said Shah Gilani Chishti is located at the Harraka Mor on Basali Road. The complex comprises two tombs, a mosque, and a madrasa. Pir Syed Said Shah Chishti was the son of Syed Qaim Ali Shah, whose shrine is located in the village of Harraka Sharif. I also visited the shrine of Syed Qaim Ali Shah. According to the inscriptions on the exterior and interior walls of the tomb, Syed Qaim Ali Shah was the son of Syed Hayat Shah Gilani. During my conversations with local residents, I learned that the tomb of Syed Hayat Shah Gilani, the father of Syed Qaim Ali Shah, is located in Gurrah Rajgan village, near Rawat. I also visited the tomb of Syed Hayat Shah Gilani in Gurrah Rajgan village. The tomb is situated by the roadside on a road that leads to Dhoke Shah Darghai village, which is also known for the shrines of Gilani mystics.

The tomb of Syed Hayat Shah Gilani contains five graves. On the façade, two names are inscribed: Syed Hayat Shah and Syed Sher Shah. I inquired with residents about the three other graves, but no one had any information about them. This tomb is quite unique, featuring four domes, a style not found elsewhere in the Rawalpindi tehsil. The grave of Syed Hayat Shah has an inscription that shows his date of death in 1777!

The tomb of Syed Qaim Ali Shah is built on a square plan and crowned with a ribbed dome that rests on an elevated drum with perforations to light the tomb’s interior. The contemporary masons of Rawalpindi are particularly good at innovation when it comes to dome construction. Usually, the drum of the tomb is not elongated, but in the case of Syed Qaim Ali Shah, it is a bit elongated. The interior of the tomb of Syed Qaim Ali Shah is octagonal and decorated with glasswork, a contemporary form of decoration that has replaced older traditions of mural paintings.

The son of Syed Qaim Ali Shah, Pir Syed Said Shah Gilani, became a well-known Chishti saint in the area. He was initiated into the Chishtiyya order by Khwaja Shamsuddin Sialvi (1883). Khwaja Shamsuddin, alias Pir Sial, was himself a deputy of Khwaja Shah Muhammad Suleiman Taunsvi, alias Pir Pathan (d 1850). Several shrines of Khwaja Shamsuddin Sialvi’s deputies in the Pothohar plateau and the Salt Range have played a significant role in transforming the local cultures and societies of these regions.

Harraka Sharif became a thriving centre of the Chishti order. Pir Syed Said Shah Gilani preached Chishtiyya silsila not only in Pothohar but also in other areas of Punjab, including Gujrat, Rahim Yar Khan, Sadiqabad, and others. Responding to his teachings, many people became his disciples. He passed away in 1918, leaving behind a legacy carried out by his descendants. Pir Syed Said Shah Chishti had three sons: Syed Muhammad Shah, Syed Shah Muhammad Ghaus, and Syed Ahmed Kabir. After the death of Pir Syed Said Shah, Syed Shah Muhammad Ghaus Gilani became the Sajjada Nashin. He was also known for his piety. Like his father, he played an instrumental role in preaching Chishtiyya Silsila. He received a robe of initiation from Khwaja Allah Bakhsh Taunsvi, the Sajjada Nashin of Darbar Pir Pathan. He passed away in 1963. He had four sons: Syed Mehmood Ali Shah, Syed Ghulam Shabir Shah, Mehboob Ali Shah, and Syed Muhammad Zamir Shah.

After the death of Syed Shah Muhammad Ghaus Chishti, Syed Muhammad Zamir Shah Chishti became the Sajjada Nashin of the Darbar of Pir Syed Said Shah Chishti. He passed away in 2013 and was succeeded by his nephew, Syed Qosain Shah. Syed Ghulam Shabir Shah (d 1979), the son of Syed Shah Muhammad Ghaus Chishti, had two sons: Syed Hasnain Shah and Syed Qosain Shah. Currently, Syed Qosain Shah serves as the Sajjada Nashin of the Darbar, while Syed Hasnain Shah is responsible for managing and maintaining the affairs of the Darbar and its festival.

The Gilani mystics are interred in two tombs. The principal tomb belongs to Pir Syed Said Shah Gilani Chishti. The foundation of the tomb of Pir Syed Said Shah Gilani was laid by Syed Shah Muhammad Ghaus in 1918, shortly after his father’s death. The shrine complex was later expanded and renovated by Syed Muhammad Zamir Shah, first in 1986 and later in 2005. The interior of the tomb was decorated with glasswork in 2013 under the supervision of Syed Qosain Shah and Syed Hasnain Shah. The third expansion of the shrine complex was made in 2015 and 2020, both under the supervision of Syed Qosain Shah and Syed Hasnain Shah.

The tomb of Pir Syed Said Shah Chishti also contains the graves of Kabir Ahmed (d 1950) and Syed Muhammad Shah. On the façade of the tomb are written the names Pir Syed Said Shah Chishti and his spiritual master, Khwaja Shamsuddin Sialvi. The names of Syed Muhammad Zamir Shah, Syed Qosain Shah, the current Sajjada Nashin, and Syed Hasnain Shah are also written. Adjacent to the tomb of Pir Syed Said Shah Gilani is located a mosque, which was first built by him. It was a small mosque. Later, during the time of Syed Shah Muhammad Ghaus Chishti, it was expanded, and he started Juma prayers in the mosque.

In front of the tomb of Pir Syed Said Shah, there is another tomb that contains the graves of Syed Shah Muhammad Ghaus Chishti and his sons, Syed Muhammad Zamir Shah Gilani and Syed Ghulam Shabir Shah Gilani. Along with the tombs and a mosque, there is also a madrasa located within the shrine complex. The Gilani mystics from Harraka Sharif village attract a significant following, not only in Rawalpindi but also across various districts of Punjab.

Read: Mystery Cup-Marks on Babro Hill in Maher Valley of Malir, Sindh

________________

Dr. Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro is a renowned anthropologist of Pakistan. He is author of 16 books on anthropology.

First published by The Friday Times Lahore on March 20, 2025

The post Chishti Mystics of Harraka Sharif first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Zaheer Udin Babar Junejo

In my homeland, I am a frequent explorer of both rural and urban vistas, transcending religious boundaries. During my wanderings, I’ve been privileged to encounter ancient monuments, sacred shrines, and venerable tombs. As a student, my insatiable curiosity drove me to delve into history in all its forms, eagerly collecting narratives from local inhabitants. I often wondered why no new shrines were being erected, whether there was a shortage of those committed to benevolence in our society. Through these chronicles, a profound realization dawned upon me, many of the hallowed shrines and the individuals celebrated in annual festivals were once itinerant sages and erudite scholars. While I concede that some shrines are constructed purely for emotional manipulation and profit, the majority pay homage to individuals who led lives marked by constant travel, eschewing permanent settlement to prioritize dignified service to humanity.

Our ancestors conveyed their wisdom and heritage to posterity by etching them onto cave walls, carving them into stones, and inscribing them onto wood, leather, and other materials

This nomadic way of life, I believe, contributed to the limited accessibility of education and knowledge, which was often reserved for the privileged few. These saints essentially were living libraries of their time, and rarely had the opportunity to read in the traditional sense. They stood as the exclusive fountains of wisdom and information regarding the world’s transitions, challenges, and visionary possibilities. As these wandering saints traversed diverse regions, they gathered lessons and shared them with wider audiences. Perhaps it was the Mughals who paid tribute to them by erecting shrines in their memory, serving as lessons for future generations.

Read more:

Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai…. Poet of Nature and Human Behavior

In the annals of history, our ancestors conveyed their wisdom and heritage to posterity by etching them onto cave walls, carving them into stones, and inscribing them onto wood, leather, and other materials. However, with the advent of the printing press, initially met with resistance by major religions of the era, the dissemination of stories and historical accounts expanded, gradually reaching those who were previously underserved. Consequently, the prominence of these saints began to fade.

In our contemporary era, where information is readily accessible with a simple click, the genuine worth of those who seek and acquire wisdom often goes unnoticed. My plea is not for the construction of new shrines in their honor but rather for their recognition. Regrettably, we tend to remember such extraordinary individuals for only a fleeting moment after their passing.

Also read:

Saints and Folklore: Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai

______________

Zaheer Udin Babar Junejo, based in Hyderabad, is a specialist in Institutional Development, MEAL (Monitoring, Evaluation, Accountability, and Learning), and Fundraising.

The post The Wandering Saints of Sindh first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Sidra Shaikh

There is a shrine near my house that I passed by since childhood. I always would see a number of men and women visiting the shrine, where there are separate arrangements for them to offer prayers. Having no strict rules for visitors, the people used to come and pray on their own free will at the shrine which remains open all the time.

The women’s area is located on the left side of the shrine, and it consists of a hall-like room connected to a small courtyard with a washroom and an ablution area. There are three doors to the women’s area – one that opens towards the shrine, and two others lead to a point where men’s and women’s areas meet.

It is said that there is a Saint who is alive. Special Zikr gathering (محفل) is held from Thursday night to Friday night, and people perform continuous Zikr (remembrance of Allah) during this time. They recite the Kalimas “Allah Ho” and “La Ilaha Illallah” along with some other Kalimas. Apart from this, there is also arrangement of langar (free food), Dua (prayer), and Durood (blessings) at the shrine, like at other shrines.

Time passes quickly, and as I move forward, got more exposure to society. It was surprising for me to notice a clear difference in the number of boys and girls in the educational institutions. The large number of women at shrines and the low number of women in educational institutions were proof of the significant preference of our society for religious practices over education. This is a very unfortunate situation and it needs to be changed.

We live in a society where the influence of feudal system on women still exists even after moving from feudal system to capitalism, and living in the 21st century. Our men want to scare and intimidate a women and keep them behind the veil of his name and honor. Attempts are made to keep women away from politics, business and other spheres of society. Politics is called a dirty game, business is considered a man’s job, and society is called unsafe for women. Ultimately, the purpose of all this is to prevent women from becoming aware and to stop their socialization.

No matter how beautiful the cage may be, it is still a prison

It is believed by many people that women become rebellious when they step out of their homes. Because once a woman is aware of her legal and religious rights, then no one can manipulate her. This is also the reason why our education system is plagued with gender biases. It is true that every soul needs freedom, but the patriarchy system in Pakistan has reduced women to the status of men’s property in their own homes. No matter how beautiful the cage may be, it is still a prison.

We are also aware of such families who trust their sisters, daughters, and try to serve the country by making them empowered. They make them independent. But my query is that if a place where restrictions are imposed, do women have to tolerate them or do they find a way out? If they need to find a way out, what is that way?

Women are given a kingdom in which they cannot breathe or take any steps for themselves

Have you noted that no matter how much a woman studies, she is still considered inferior someway? Women are considered the leader of the house, but the demands of this leadership make her forget that she first and foremost is a mother, a sister, a daughter, and a wife. She can breathe, but she still lives in a suffocated atmosphere.

Women are given a kingdom in which they cannot breathe or take any steps for themselves. They are suffocated by the burden of relationships and responsibilities. In all of these conditions, the only door that a house wife can find open is Shrine.

Women are not allowed to go for shopping every day. Men also do not allow them to go to parks, malls, or outing places freely, but I have observed that the shrine is the place for the women to have the free breathe. I have researched about the people around the roadside shrines and the activities taking place there and tried to find out what function a roadside shrine plays for the surrounding population.

As an anthropologist, I focus on the gray area while avoiding the black and white aspects of the picture. During my six day visit to a shrine, I learned that the shrine, we always see from the perspective of good and bad activities, particularly serves women. While talking to the women present at the shrine, I came to know that a roadside shrine is a unique place for a housewife where she feels free and peaceful. It is a place where she can take time out for herself and have a conversation with people of her age. A woman told me that they visit the shrine 2 to 3 days a week to get relief from their household chores and to have a chance to talk with their peers. The thing that inspired me more about this shrine is the attitude of male volunteer who works as a guard at both main doors of the shrine.

Even in Hinduism, women also have the same experience with temple as in Islamic society a women feels for shrine. Anna Charlotta Osterberg from the University of Bergen has also researched on this topic and wrote an article titled ‘The Role of Roadside Shrines in the Everyday Lives of Female Devotees in Mumbai,’ published in the South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal in 2018. She writes, “Time spent at the shrine appeared to be the only time spent outside the home.”

The 75-year-old lady at the shrine caught my attention. She was weaving fans from date palm leaves with her wrinkled hands. She is known as Tasbeeh Wali Khala. After talking to her, I learnt that she has been living there for the past 12 years. Her son left her at the shrine like unwanted goods after his wife kept insisting. In the beginning, he used to visit her every week and leave some money, but one day he asked for forgiveness and never returned. The lady said that she had many options where she could live with her family or with any nearby relatives, but she chose to live at the shrine because she couldn’t find the peace she feels here anywhere else.

“It was 2012 when my son left me at this shrine. At that time the mother of Saint was alive, so I used to stay with her. But when she passed away in 2014, I started making fans and Tasbeeh and rented a small room because women are not allowed to spend the night at the shrine,” she told. “There are some conditions that allow staying at the shrine like spirit possession. I sleep there at night and stay at the shrine during the day.”

One day I was at the shrine with my acquaintance, and I saw three women looking at clothes. I found out that they were looking to buy clothes. I talked to the women named Farzana, who was selling the clothes.

Farzana told me that she has only one daughter who is in the 7th grade. Her husband’s income is not enough to cover the household expenses, and that is why she sells women’s clothes in the evening. There are more women visitors in the evening, so she can sell more clothes. She does this work for her daughter’s educational expenses. Otherwise, her husband would have sent their daughter to a government school. Farzana had tears in her eyes and said that she has never even seen the school. She wants her daughter to receive a good education.

I asked to farzana why she doesn’t bring her daughter to help her in selling. I asked this question to know what a young girl’s mother thinks about the shrine regarding her daughter. She replied, “My husband tells me that I can go if I want, but don’t take our daughter with you. People have negative opinions about shrines, and that is why he doesn’t permit me to take my daughter with me.”

“I know myself well, but my daughter is young and my husband fears she might get involved in bad things,” woman said.

“My husband does not allow me to go anywhere far, but because this is a nearby shrine, he allows me to come here and sell the clothes brought by my sister,” she said.

People from different areas come to the shrines during annual Urs (festival) or on other occasions. But a roadside shrine is a means for women living nearby to enjoy their freedom and spend time with other womenfolk. I have seen women there washing utensils and sheets for the community kitchen, and even sweeping the floor happily. The happiness on their faces is like that of a bird that has been freed from its cage, even if it’s for a short time. Instead of objecting to women visiting shrines, we should look at the system of oppression that makes a woman feel like she is only a mother, sister, or daughter in order to forget her own identity. No one recognizes her as a living, breathing human being and instead keeps her busy with household chores.

_______________

Sidra Shaikh is BS third-Year student of anthropology at the Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh Pakistan.

The post The Role of Roadside Shrines in Women’s Life first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro

Amrot Sharif is a historical village in Garhi Yasin taluka in the Shikarpur district. It is located about 9 km south of Garhi Yasin town. The village is famous for two historical mosques and the dargah of Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti. The earliest Jamia mosque in the village is said to have been built by the village landlord Masti Khan Dal, who was known for his generosity. Like mystics, the landed elite of villages also built grand mosques in their respective villages.

It is said that Masti Khan Dal employed the most famous masons and wood carvers of Shikarpur to build the mosque. The Jamia mosque is built in a rectangular plan with an elegant portal that is crowned with a dome. There is a decorative band of glazed blue tiles that adorns the main portal of the mosque. A similar scheme of decoration can also be seen on a central door that leads to the main prayer hall of the mosque.

A distinctive feature of the mosque are the domed chambers that flank the main portal of the mosque. Generally, one can see a single dome on the main gateway to the mosque. But this innovation was adopted by the Shikapuri masons to place domes on the flanking chambers of the portal, which were used for guests and the Pesh Imam. Similar domed chambers are also seen in the dargah mosque in Amrot Sharif. This is a peculiarity of the mosques of Amrot Sharif and is not seen in any other mosque in Garhi Yashin taluka. One enters through a portal to the spacious courtyard of the Jamia mosque of Masti Khan Dal. Recently, both domes have partially collapsed in the rains that devastated Sindh.

The wooden verandah is another peculiarity of the Jamia mosque. The covered verandah of the mosque has six arched entrances with grilled panels. The roof of the verandah stood on five pillars. The grilled panels bear both floral and geometric designs. The wooden verandah brackets are also decorative, and they support the soffit.

The painted wooden ceiling of the verandah is one of the most spectacular in terms of ornamentation and variety of motifs. Amongst those, the sun motif is the most prominent, which is not seen in any other mosque in Garhi Yashin taluka. Three doorways from the wooden verandah open to the main prayer hall of the mosque. The painted wooden ceiling of the main prayer hall is noted for its geometric designs. The builder of the mosque also especially focused on the provision of ventilation and natural lighting to the interior of the mosque. Two rows of windows were made on the western wall to properly provide light and ventilation to the interior prayer chamber of the mosque. Four windows were also made on the eastern wall of the mosque.

Panels and false arches were made for decoration purposes on the western wall. On the four panels are painted the names of Allah and Muhammad (peace be upon him). The mihrab section of the western wall is adorned with glazed tiles. There is an inscription above the mihrab that bears the date of the construction of the mosque in 1309 AH / 1891 AD. This mosque is currently in a bad state of preservation and needs to be renovated by the authorities concerned.

Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti was an eminent Qadiri Sufi who played an important role in the Khilafat, Hijrat and Reshmi Rumal movements

Another historical mosque in Amrot Sharif is believed to have been built by Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti, a Sufi scholar who wrote several books on Hadith, Fiqah, Tafsir and Sufism. He also translated the Holy Quran into Sindhi. He also played a key role in anti-imperialist movements. As per the inscription on the wooden door of the mosque, it was built in 1321 AH / 1904 AD.

According to Syed Mahmood Shah Bukhari (2003) the author of Azadi Jo Imam Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti, the Sufi, scholar, social reformer and active member of the Khilafat movement Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti was born in 1857 in Deewani near Piryalo village in the Khairpur district. His father Abdul Qadir Shah Alias Bhoral Shah was also a religious scholar.

It is known that Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti received his early education from his father. It is said that Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti also studied under the guidance of Maulana Abdul Qadir Panhwari, who was a disciple of Khalifo Muhammad Yaqub Humayouni (d. 1856) – who was himself a Khalifo (deputy) of Maulana Abdul Haleem Kandvi (d. 1838). Maulana Taj Muhammad Amroti also learned the Persian and Arabic languages from Maulana Abdul Qadir Panhwari at Pir-Jo-Goth Madrassah in the Khairpur district. Later his father migrated from Deewani village to Amrot Sharif.

Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti was an eminent Qadiri Sufi who played an important role in the Khilafat, Hijrat and Reshmi Rumal movements – as well as the protection of mosques during the construction of the Khirthar canal. Dr. Sibghatullah Indhar (2020), writes in Hayat Hazrat Halejvi that Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti was initiated into the Qadiri Silsila by Hafiz Muhammad Siddique Bharchundi (d. 1890), who was a Khalifo (deputy) of Syed Muhammad Hassan Jilani (d.1838) of Sui Sharif, who was himself a Khalifo of Pir Muhammad Rashid Shah alias Rozay Dhani (d. 1818). It is said that on the instructions of his spiritual mentor, he preached the Qadiriyya-Rashiddiya silsila and established a mosque and madrassah in Amrot Sharif.

In fact, Amrot Sharif became a thriving center of the Qadiriyya-Rashiddiya silsila during the time of Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti. Many people studied under his supervision in his madrassah and became his deputies and disciples. Some of the prominent deputies of Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti include Khalifo Maulana Abdul Aziz Tharechani (d. 1950), Maulana Hammadullah Halejvi (d. 1962), Khalifo Mian Muhammad Saleh (d.1942) of Baiji Sharif, Syed Din Muhammad Shah (d.1973) of Mena village, Maulana Ahmed Ali Lahori (d.1962), Khalifo Hafiz Abdul Aziz of Kalabagh and others.

There used to be a small mosque at Amrot Sharif which could not accommodate the growing numbers of his followers and disciples on the eve of special religious events. He decided to build a grand mosque in its stead and employed the best masons in Shikarpur for its construction. Syed Mahmood Shah Bukhari (2003) believes that the most famous mason of Shikarpur, Abdul Rahim Soomro, constructed the Dargah mosque. He was assisted by six other masons. This mosque was also noted for woodwork and painting which were lost when the old mosque was demolished in 2007 or 2008 to build a new mosque. Only two minarets and hujars (rooms) are original – and these were built during the time of Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti.

As we noted, Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti played a leading role in anti-colonial struggles such as the Khilafat and Hijrat movements. Amrot Sharif itself became a centre of Khilafat movement activities. Professor Shams Sabir (2004), who wrote the article “Shikarpur jo Tehreek Khilafat men Hiso” which was published in the book Shikarpur: Tehqeeq and Tarikh compiled by Khalil Moryani, believes that Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi (d. 1944) came to Amrot Sharif in the month of Shawal in 1308 AH / 1891 AD, where he stayed for seven years. Sarah F.D. Ansari (1992) writes in Sufi Saints and State Power: The Pirs of Sind, 1843-1947: “Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi stayed at Amrot, where he set up the press Mahmud al Maktabah and brought out a journal named Hidayat al-Akhwan.”

Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti also played the main role in the protection of mosques which were to be demolished during the construction of the Khirthar canal in 1923. He resisted and vehemently opposed it. He wrote letters to the Collector, the engineering department and other officials to chalk out a plan to modify the course of the canal to save the mosques. His consistent voice and resistance resulted in protecting a few mosques. Pani-Wari-Masjid or Juneja Masjid was one such mosque, which was situated on the route of the Khirthar canal, and it was saved.

According to Syed Abdul Qadir Shah son of Syed Muhammad Shah Amroti (d.1987), during the era of the second Gaddi Nashin of the dargah of Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti, in order to approach the mosque, a bridge with five pillars was built. Later, two more pillars were constructed, and the mosque was decorated with ceramic tiles in 1989.

The dargah (shrine) of Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti is the most sacred place for his followers in Amrot Sharif. It is located north of the dargah mosque. There are about ten graves inside the wall enclosure, prominent amongst which are those of Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti himself and his nephews Syed Nizamuddin Shah Amroti, Syed Muhammad Shah Amroti, and others. Syed Nizamuddin Shah Amroti was the first custodian of the dargah of Maulana Taj Muhammad Amroti. We know that Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti had one son Hasan Shah, who died at the age of 12.

After the death of Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti, Syed Nizamuddin became the Gaddi Nashin of his dargah.

The shrine of Maulana Taj Mahmood Amroti is frequented by many people, who come from different districts of Sindh, Balochistan and Punjab to pay him homage for his active role in preaching Islam, protecting mosques and leading anti-colonial struggles in Sindh.

__________________

Dr. Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro, an anthropologist, has authored 13 books: ‘Symbols in Stone: The Rock Art of Sindh’, ‘Perspectives on the art and architecture of Sindh’, ‘Memorial Stones: Tharparkar’ and ‘Archaeology, Religion and Art in Sindh’. He may be contacted at: zulfi04@hotmail.com

Courtesy: The Friday Times Naya Daur Lahore (Published on January 6, 2023)

The post Anti-Colonial Activists, Mosques and Mystics Of Amrot Sharif first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Hemant Rajopadhye

The national identity of Pakistan is rooted in the ‘two-nation theory’—the very basis of the creation of the country—which says that the Hindus and Muslims of the subcontinent were two different nations and therefore, the Muslims were entitled to a separate homeland where Islam would be practiced as state religion. Does Pakistan’s quest for identity, however, mean neglecting the non-Islamic culture present in the country? This brief calls attention, for example, to the Hindu temples and shrines in various parts of the country that now stand in a state of disrepair. It argues that Pakistan must work with India to rediscover and celebrate their shared cultural heritage and syncretic past; this will, in turn, help end mutual hostility and distrust.

Introduction

In November 2017, Chief Justice of Pakistan Mian Saqib Nisar expressed serious concern over the state of the ancient Katas Raj temple complex – one of the most revered Hindu places of worship in Pakistan’s Punjab province. He took suo motu notice of the news reports about the drying up of the sacred pond in the middle of the complex and asked for a comprehensive report from various state agencies. Indeed, the revival of old and dilapidated Hindu temples has been a contentious issue in Pakistan in the past couple of decades.

The Katas Raj complex has several ancient temples dedicated to Shiva, Ram and Hanuman. The Shiva temple is considered one of the most sacred and finds mention in the Mahābhārata. The Pandavas are believed to have spent a considerable part of their exile there. The pond at the center of it is thought to have been created by the teardrops of an inconsolable Shiva as he flew across the sky carrying the dead body of his wife Sati.

Katas Raj, however, is sacred not only for Hindus. The Archaeology Department of Pakistan has found and registered many Buddhist and Sikh shrines of religious and historical significance in and around the temple complex. In spite of such a rich legacy, however, Katas Raj had remained in obscurity after Partition of 1947, until then Deputy Prime Minister of India L K Advani visited the temple complex during his trip to Pakistan in 2005. The visit received wide publicity in Pakistan and led to two significant developments: the government of Pakistan started the restoration of the Shiva temple, and also invited Hindu pilgrims from India to celebrate the shivratri there. In 2007, Pakistan even sent a team of archaeologists to India to brief Advani about the state of restoration work, which was supposed to be completed in three years.

These friendly overtures did not last long and in 2011, entry to the shrine was prohibited following the assassinations—carried out by fundamentalists—of Salman Taseer, Governor of Punjab and Shahbaz Bhatti, a Catholic leader and minister of minority affairs. The two were strong advocates of the anti-blasphemy laws and minority rights in Pakistan. These assassinations were seen as a serious setback to the status and rights of the minority communities in the country. As Haroon Khalid, a journalist and author writes, the Hindu pilgrims who assembled at Katas Raj to celebrate the shivratri that year were thrown out by local fundamentalist groups. The restoration work of the temple complex was abruptly stopped.

Things took a turn once again in January 2017 when the repair work for the temple was re-launched by then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif with great fanfare as a “symbolic gesture to reach out to the Muslim nation’s minority communities and also soften the country’s hardliner image abroad.” The Katas Raj temple’s long-winded restoration, in fact, may be viewed as a metaphor for the overall state of India-Pakistan relations —in the same way as the celebrations of other Hindu and Sikh festivals in Pakistan. For example, during the term of Pervez Musharraf, the public celebrations of Basant Panchami (or the festival that marks the arrival of spring) and Holi (the festival of colours) were banned in Pakistan in 2005, when bilateral relations hit a low. The ban was lifted as relations improved, and in 2017 Nawaz Sharif personally participated in the celebrations.

The State of Non-Islamic Religio-Cultural Shrines

Apart from the Katas Raj complex, there are many other important Hindu shrines in Pakistan, such as the Sun temple and Prahladpuri temple in Multan, Shri Varun Dev Mandir in Karachi, Hinglaj Mata temple in Balochistan, and the Kalka Devi cave and Sadhu Bela temple in Sindh. There are many Jain and Buddhist shrines as well. All these shrines, however, have been largely neglected—deliberately or otherwise—by a succession of civil and military regimes.

It is difficult to get accurate details about non-Islamic heritage structures in Pakistan because there are only few available academic texts on the subject. A few articles in the mainstream media, web sites, social media pages, and scattered pieces of academic references on broader themes are all that exist to provide some idea about these structures, their state of disrepair, and the overall erosion of cultural diversity in Pakistan.

The violence that accompanied the partition of the subcontinent in 1947 had made the Hindu and Sikh places of worship in Pakistan, targets of extremist attacks; it was the same case with mosques in India. However, antipathy towards the religious structures of the Buddhist, Jain and Christians became more pronounced after the demolition of the Babri masjid in India by right-wing Hindu fundamentalists in December 1992. That event, perhaps for the first time after Partition, triggered extreme and massive anti-India and anti-Hindu sentiments in Pakistan. Enraged Muslim fundamentalists demolished a large number of Hindu and other non-Hindu shrines and relics. One example is that of a historical Jain Mandir near the famous Anarkali Bazar of Lahore’s old city. It was damaged by a mob after the Babri masjid demolition and then later used for commercial purposes. According to some Pakistani media reports, a part of the old mandir was also used as a madrasa.

The temple was razed to the ground along with other historical heritage structures such as the Meharunisa tomb and the St. Andrew’s church by the Punjab government in February 2016 “to pave a way for the controversial project of Lahore Metro line.” These demolitions were carried out despite a Lahore High Court’s order to suspend all work on the line within 200 feet of buildings of historical value. A few years earlier, the Punjab government had promised to restore the same temple. Across Punjab, many other Jain shrines have been neglected, as is the case with many Buddhist sites in the North West Frontier Province (now known as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa).

According to the Pakistani media, Lahore’s Jain temple was destroyed as the Muslim fundamentalists did not differentiate between Hinduism and Jainism. Many such incidents and records of complex religious identities, temples and other Hindu, Jain, Sikh and Buddhist structures have been documented and discussed by some anthropologists and journalists in Pakistan.

Various scholars trace the history of Jainism in the Indus Valley back to the era of Alexander the Great, though there are those who disagree. In popular culture, the ascetics whom Alexander is said to have met were Jains residing in the ancient university town of Takshashila (now Taxila), near Islamabad. Some of Pakistan’s intelligentsia believe that the Jains ruled the region for several centuries, before the rise of Hinduism. Veteran Indologist Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar mentions two major Jain manuscript libraries in Gujranwala, Punjab, which record the rich tradition of Jain scholarship in the region.

The Decimation of Everything ‘Indian’ and ‘Hindu’

The genesis of the anti-non-Islamic sentiment, and the targeting of shrines belonging to non-Islamic religions considered as ‘Indian’—such as Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism—is rooted in the same principles that founded Pakistan as a nation state in 1947. Pakistan was created on the basis of the ‘two-nation theory’ which states that the Hindus and Muslims were two different nations, and therefore, the Muslims were entitled to have a separate homeland in the pockets of their majority where Islam would be the ‘state religion’.

Although, the founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah had conceived of creating a non-theocratic state, his political successors declared Pakistan as ‘Islamic’ in the first Constitution adopted in 1956, paving the way for all laws to be brought in conformity with the Qur’an and Sunnah. In the second Constitution, adopted by the military dictator Mohammd Ayub Khan in 1962, the word ‘Islamic’ was removed but was soon re-inserted following a civil backlash. The nation-state saw forcible conversion of the Hindus in Sindh, atrocities committed on the Christians and Ahmadiyyas, and various attempts to portray India and the Hindus as enemies of Pakistan. These developments helped religious nationalism to thrive in the country.

Veteran historian of Pakistan, KK Aziz, discusses these themes in his book, Murder of History: A Critique of History Textbooks Used in Pakistan. Some of the most relevant excerpts are the following (with this author’s comments in brackets):

“Either to rationalize the glorification of wars or for some other reason(s), the textbooks set out to create among the students a hatred for India and the Hindus, both in the historical context and as a pan of current politics. The most common methods adopted to achieve this end are:

To offer slanted descriptions of Hindu religion and culture, calling them “unclean” and “inferior”.

To praise Muslim rule over the Hindus for having put an end to all “bad” Hindu religious beliefs and practices, and thus, eliminated classical Hinduism from India. (Both claims are false.)

To show that the Indian National Congress was a purely Hindu body that it was founded by an Englishman, and that it enjoyed the patronage of the British government. From this, it is concluded that Indian nationalism was an artificial British-created sentiment. This is done with a view to contrasting alleged false colors and loyalty of the Congress with the purity and nationalistic spirit of the All India Muslim League. (This will be discussed more in latter parts of this brief.)

To assert that the communal riots accompanying and following the partition of 1947 were initiated exclusively by the Hindus and Sikhs, and that the Muslims were at no place and time aggressors but merely helpless victims.

To allot generous and undue space to a study of the wars with India.”

According to some reports, before 1975, the school textbooks in Pakistan did in fact teach the pre-Islamic past of the region. The reports provide some suggestions and advice to Pakistan’s textbook committees which would help reduce “the pathological hatred towards Hindus”. Some of the recommendations made in these reports are:

The early history books contained chapters on both the oldest civilizations Mohenjo Daro, Harappa, Gandhara, etc., but also the early Hindu mythologies of Ramayana and Mahabharata and extensively covered, often with admiration, the great Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms of the Mauryas and the Guptas.

The textbooks indeed showed biases when discussing the more recent history of the politics of independence, but still one found school textbooks with chapters on Mohandas K Gandhi, using words of respect and admiration for the Mahatma.

Even in the somewhat biased history of politics of independence, the creation of Pakistan was reasoned on the intransigence of the All-India Congress and its leadership rather than on ‘Hindu machinations’.

Some books also clearly mentioned that the most prominent Islamic religious leaders were all bitterly opposed to the creation of Pakistan.

“Such was the enlightened teaching of history for the first twenty-five years of Pakistan, even though two wars were fought against India in this period. The print and electronic media often indulged in anti-Hindu propaganda, but the educational material was by and large free of bias against Hindus.

“Then came the time when Indo-Pakistan History and Geography were replaced with Pakistan Studies, and Pakistan was defined as an Islamic state. The history of Pakistan became equivalent to the history of Muslims in the subcontinent. It started with the Arab conquest of Sindh and swiftly jumped to the Muslim conquerors from Central Asia.”

Parallels in India

Yet, a similar situation exists in India. For example, Maharashtra’s history textbook for the eighth grade says Dr. Mohammad Iqbal proposed the idea of a separate homeland/nation for the Muslims of India that was endorsed and conceptualized by Jinnah. On the other hand, the NCERT textbook contains more facts and theories about the two-nation theory.

A series of recent incidents in India may not exactly mirror the events in Pakistan, but they do point to a growing tendency to portray everything associated with Pakistan as “evil”. Over the past four years, a growing intolerance towards India’s minority communities has manifested in various ways: mob lynching to “protect” cattle and punish beef consumption, harassment and violence in the name of so-called “love jihad”, and “gharwapsi” campaigns. The fracas over the portrait of Jinnah in the Aligarh Muslim University is also evidence of how radical elements in India are trying to paint everything “Pakistani” as unwanted and constitute a threat to everything “Indian”.

These incidents, if unchecked, can potentially inflict deep wounds to the social fabric of India. This pluralist ethos, after all, has long been the pillar of India’s unique civilizational, multi-religious and multi-cultural harmony.

The bloody legacy of Partition has created a massive identity crisis in both Pakistan and India. The imagined nationalities propounded by the architects of the two-nation theory have wiped out the memories of their ancient, shared past and culture. After Partition, the immediate military incursions in Kashmir, followed by two wars and the Kargil conflict – which bred a hyper nationalistic fervor in both countries – led to an increasingly bitter political relationship. This has impacted both peoples’ perception of the other. It is in this context that it becomes imperative to make the people of both countries aware of their shared heritage from the time of the Indus Valley civilization, including those of the Buddhist and Jain pasts.

Rediscovering Shared Culture as a Path to Peace

The distortion of history in Pakistan’s textbooks can be corrected by restoring its pre-1975 curriculum policy. There is hardly any school or institution in Pakistan that teaches the pre-Islamic history of the subcontinent/country. In the last few decades, most of the native historians of Pakistan have been discussing the post-Partition history; only a few are engaging critically with the ancient and medieval past of the region. There are a few voices who raise arguments against the policy of denying the syncretic cultural past of the country. Such voices, however, are often ridiculed as “fashionable progressivism”.

Unfortunately, the situation is not very different in India. Every call to foster closer ties between the people of the two countries or seek to rediscover their shared past have been met with contempt and, at times, violent opposition from right-wing hardliners.

As a result, most contemporary Indians and Pakistanis are not aware of the fact that the historical geography of the Rigveda, the foremost of the Vedas and one of the holiest books of the Hindus, is located in the region of what is called Pakistan today. The great Sanskrit grammarian Panini was born in today’s Charsadda, near Peshawar (ancient Purushpur or Pushkalavati) and spent his life in Shalatur, which is now known as Lahore. The great political thinker Chanakya was a teacher at the Takshashila University. The great Buddhist emperor Ashoka was the governor of Takshashila province before his coronation. Kaikeyi, the mother of Bharat, step-brother of Lord Rama, was from the Kaikeya region, which is today a part of Pakistan’s Punjab. One can give many other such references from the ancient Hindu, Buddhist and Jain texts which are an indivisible part of the shared history of India and Pakistan.

At the same time, and fortunately, there is the shared heritage that continues to be cherished in both countries. For example, the Nankana Sahib in Pakistan’s Punjab, the birth place of Guru Nanak, remains one of the most revered places of pilgrimage for the Sikhs in India. Hundreds of Indian Sikhs visit the gurudwara near Lahore every year. Similarly, the dargah of Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti at Ajmer in Rajasthan continues to draw hundreds of pilgrims from Pakistan.

Indeed, as India and Pakistan look forward to celebrating their 75th year of independence in 2022, the two countries should collaborate to mark that year as one of rediscovery of their shared culture and history. For example, institutions of higher learning can help create an environment of mutual trust by carrying out joint research, and designing academic courses relating to the classical languages, scripts and cultures of the subcontinent. These institutions should also facilitate joint exploration of archeological sites of multi-religious importance.

The academe must be encouraged to design courses for students from both countries to learn languages such as Sanskrit, Pali, Prakrit, Urdu, Persian and Arabic. Joint studies of ancient scripts such as Brahmi, Kharoshtri, Sharada (ancient script of Kashmir) and different variants of Nagari scripts without which, one can never read the inscriptions and manuscripts written in ancient Sanskrit, Prakrit and Pali languages—must also be encouraged. Similarly, religious studies in both countries should be designed to enlighten students about the great syncretic culture that flourished in the subcontinent.

Making people rediscover their identities through academia is a constructive way of helping end mutual hostility and distrust. This is equally important as other peace initiatives such as composite dialogue. At the same time, both governments should promote large-scale, cross-border religious tourism which has been repeatedly mentioned in official joint statements but never acted upon.

Conclusion

The resurgence of religious intolerance and animosity in both Pakistan and India can be abated by rediscovering and celebrating the shared legacy and syncretic past of the subcontinent. After all, there is nothing exclusive about the shared culture and heritage of the two nations. It is owned by the Buddhists, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and Muslims alike. A distorted and biased understanding of these shared cultural values and heritage is as much a problem of the national identity of Pakistan as it is of India. What is required to overcome it is an openness to accept history in its raw and undistorted form.

A joint academic program or policy focusing on the shared civilizational past of the subcontinent can be one of the least difficult ways to prevent the spread of the politics of false propaganda and biased identities created by the communal forces in both countries. Veteran Pakistani journalist and thinker Hasan Nisar once famously said, “Jo qaum apne tareekh ko masq kar deti hai, tareekh use masq kar deti hai” (A society that destroys its own history gets destroyed by history).

To promote peace in the subcontinent, India and Pakistan should think of such ideas for positive engagement. Collaborative academic projects and exchanges of students and academic experts can provide a conducive environment for resolution of the larger and much more complex issues of peaceful co-existence.

[Reloaded as the original file was destroyed due to database error]

_____________________

Hemant Rajopadhye was a Senior Fellow and Head of ORF Mumbai’s Centre for the Study of Indian Knowledge Traditions. His research focuses on what the subcontinent’s socio-political and cultural history and traditions offer to understand the solutions to today’s local, national and subcontinental problems, interfaith harmony, and pluralism, and social justice, cultural, religious and linguistic conflicts.

Courtesy: Observer Research Foundation 

The post Silenced histories, razed shrines first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Khan completed her book in the beginning of July 2018. As the month ended, she was found dead in her apartment in Karachi. According to reports in Pakistani dailies, it is believed she died of asphyxiation after setting a pile of books on fire.

Diya Kohli

This is a book that takes the reader to remote and violent corners of Pakistan where the land is marked by the blood of its people. Here, away from the urban centers, superstitions abound and the search for faith is seen as a way out of present circumstances. “All is momentary, all is pain”, wrote Qurratulain Hyder in her 1959 novel River Of Fire. Sixty years later, it is journalist and writer Quratulain “Annie” Ali Khan who carries forward the complex interaction between history, war, politics and faith in her debut work, Sita under the Crescent Moon.

Khan completed her book in the beginning of July 2018. As the month ended, she was found dead in her apartment in Karachi. According to reports in Pakistani dailies, it is believed she died of asphyxiation after setting a pile of books on fire.

Like many posthumously published works, the book is a poignant reminder of the writer, for it is a travel memoir and personal spiritual quest from Lyari in Karachi to Hinglaj in Balochistan and Thatta in Sindh. It is also a chronicle of the larger spiritual journey of numerous women in Pakistan seeking peace, comfort and release from their material existence. She writes in her foreword, “It was truth I sought as I made my passage into Balochistan, armed with a notebook, camera and audio recorder, with a vague outline of a story in my head…. The search for the elusive sati became a quest to learn more about the legend of women burned or buried and then worshipped…”

Her journey begins at the shakti peeth of Sati at Hinglaj. Thereafter, as she travels across the country, the world of Sati temples and Sufi shrines coalesces. Khan travels with other female pilgrims to shrines across Pakistan as they search for ways to love, let go of grief, worship, fulfil their deepest desires and cure themselves. Along the way, she strikes up friendships with poets, female fakirs (religious ascetics), those who are possessed, those who heal and those who just pray—women who have been broken by the world of men and have slowly rebuilt themselves piece by piece. These worshippers fuse different elements from across Hinduism and Islam. As a result, sacred snakes, Durga idols and shivlings coexist with Islamic rituals and practices.

Khan comes alive in the pages as a journalist on a mission, navigating harsh terrain and remote towns in a country that is less than easy for a solo female traveller. She is the political narrator who views the country’s changing contours through the history of partition, coups and regime changes.

Her travel shows that the ravages of war are often borne by women and children. For these women—marginalized, rejected and without a voice, agency or means—it is faith that remains an alternative as well as last resort to normative social roles. It is within such a context that she understands the significance of the goddess Sati as an emblem of sacrifice, suffering and freedom—the goddess who is as benign as she is fierce. She is one who will possess your mind, body and soul and also free you from the endless cycles of suffering. And she is a constant reminder of the search for a greater truth and the fact that truth always comes at a price.

After witnessing a dhamaal (a religious ceremony that combines rhythm, remembrance and meditation) to cure a young girl possessed by Shah Pari, Khan writes: “That’s how it was, the love of a sati. It never left a woman’s heart. The Mai brought happiness. The Mai brought pain. She was a possessive lover. Her love was the light of life. Her love was death and destruction.”

By no means is Khan’s book an easy read. Its prose is rambling and contains themes and a narrative that sometimes unravels into a stream of consciousness prose. Typos abound, as do syntax inconsistencies. Shrines, symbols (the serpent is a recurring one), caretakers, fakirs and ecstatic dhamaals fuse into one another. Characters appear and disappear throughout its 300-odd pages—as spectral and mythical as the worlds to which they belong.

This is a work that reads like a first draft and a final book at the same time even though it has been edited with love by Khan’s friend, Manan Ahmed Asif, and Rajni George. However, even in its messy, less-than-perfect form, Sita under the Crescent Moon gives a voice to the hundreds of women who remain unheard. It follows their tales of emancipation through roads less travelled. It is also a chronicle of Khan’s own journey towards the truth. And it is in the telling of these intertwined stories that the book pays its dues to Sati—the woman who became a goddess.

__________________

Courtesy: Live Mint

The post On the Sati and Sufi trail in Pakistan first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro

There are several shrines in villages and towns within the Islamabad Capital territory which belong to various Sufi orders. Much like similar sites in towns, these village shrines are frequently visited by locals, and are revered by a majority of the rural population.

One such revered and frequented village shrine is located in Kirpa, which belongs to Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi. Kirpa, which is a historical village, is located about 4 km northeast of Pakhral Chowk near Darwala. The village is also very close to Gulberg Greens in Islamabad. Kirpa village was once a thriving centre of Qadiri Naushahi saints. It is still the most popular shrine complex in Kirpa and neighboring villages in Zone-V in Islamabad.

It said that his father Mian Makhan Shah migrated from Gardez in Afghanistan to settle in Aterun village in the Lora area of Abbottabad district. In the village, he married Hashim Bibi who bore him an illustrious son, named Hayat Bakhsh. This Hayat Bakhsh later became an eminent scholar and Sufi saint of Kirpa and neighboring villages in the third quarter of the 19th century. According to Abdul Aziz Pirzada, the author of Anwar Barq Anqaz, Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh was born in 1818 in Aterun village. He obtained his religious education in his village before moving with his mother Bibi Hashim Noor to Gagri village in the Pothohar region in Punjab. Bibi Hashim Noor was a pious lady and an ardent follower of Shah Abdul Latif alias Bari Imam (d.1705). After the death of her husband Mian Makhan Shah, she went to visit the shrine of Bari Imam. After paying homage to Bari Imam, she stayed in Gagri village, located on the left bank of the Soan River near Jinnah Gardens. She spent a few years in Gagri village, where the name and fame of her son Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh spread far and wide.

On hearing of the piety of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh, people of Pind Malkan village visited him and invited him to their village. At their request, Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh visited Pind Malkan. Later they wished that Hafiz should settle in their village permanently and preach there. But Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh did not settle in any village for a long time – before eventually making Kirpa village his permanent abode. He kept moving and preaching in the villages of Kak, Bhinder, Dhamial, Sher Dhamial, Pind Darziyan, Pind Dainyan, Kangota Syedan Darwala and Sihala Khurd. Finally, he settled in Kirpa village from where he continued to preach the Naushahiyya silsila. Kirpa became a thriving centre of the Naushahiyya Silsila from the third quarter of the 19th century to the second quarter of the 20th century.  Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi and later his daughter and his followers continued to spread Naushahi silsila.

Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh was initiated into the Naushahiyya silsila by Syed Ghulam Shah Naushahi (d.1871). The Naushahiyya, a branch of the Qaidiriyya silsila, was founded by Syed Muhammad Naushah Ganj Bakhsh Qadiri (d.1654). Syed Ghulam Shah, whose shrine is located in Mankrai village in Gujar Khan tehsil, was a deputy (khalifa) of Mian Muhammad Azim Naushahi. The shrine of Mian Muhammad Azim Naushahi is located in Bhadana village in Gujar Khan. He was a deputy of Syed Mir Kalan Gilan Naushahi, who is buried in Rukhia Sharif in Gujar Khan tehsil. Syed Mir Kalan Gilani Naushahi was an eminent deputy of Hafiz Qaimuddin Barqandaz, (d.1765), who was himself a deputy of Pir Muhammad Sachiar Naushahi (d.1707).

Hafiz Hayat Bakshsh Naushahi was both alim (scholar) and Sufi. He mediated at several places around the Soan River, the prominent one was near Mai Qamro mosque. He also mediated and frequently visited the shrine of Mian Ranjha which was located on a hill, 3 km east of Kirpa village. The shrine of Mian Ranjha is popularly known as “Mian Ranjhe ka Chowk.”

He was also bestowed the title of Barqandaz by his spiritual master, and hence was also popularly known as Hafiz Barqandaz. He became an eminent khalifa (deputy) of Syed Ghulam Shah Naushahi son of Pir Syed Muhammad Ali Shah. He preached the Qadiriyya Naushahiyya silsila in the villages of present-day Islamabad, Rawalpindi and Chakwal, and many people became his deputies and disciples, who continued his missionary work in their respective villages and towns of Pothohar. He died in 1881, leaving behind a number of deputies, disciples and a daughter to continue preaching his teachings.

His daughter Syed Noor became Gadi Nashin of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh’s shrine. It is interesting to note that several female Sufi saints played an important role in the Naushahiyya Silsila, which I discuss in detail in my forthcoming book Female Saints and Shrines in Pothohar. After becoming the Gadi Nashin of his father’s shrine, her first task was to start the construction of a domed structure over the grave of her father. She was also assisted by her mother Karam Noor (d.1924). According to Sanaullah Pirzada, the present Gadi Nashin of the shrine of Hafiz Shah Bakhsh Nauhahi, the construction work on the tomb started in 1881 and was completed in 1890. Syed Noor continued the missionary work of her father and arranged an annual festival at his shrine. She died in 1936 and was buried in the shrine complex of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi. An octagonal dome was constructed over her grave. There are two graves inside the tomb: the first belongs to Syed Noor and the second to Sultan Mehmood son of Mian Mehar, who was a brother of Syed Karam Noor, the wife of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi. After the death of Syed Noor, Sultan Mehmood son of Mian Mehar became the Gadi Nashin of the darbar of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh. Sahibzada Sultan Mehmood died in 1978 and was succeeded by his younger brother Jan Muhammad Pirzada (d.1993).

Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi had four eminent deputies: Qazi Illahi Bakhskh Qureshi Hashmi, Syed Qasim Ali Shah Bokhari, Syed Gul Hassan Shah Bokhari and Syed Gohar Ali Shah. Apart from his deputies, there were many disciples of Hafiz Barqandaz whose shrines are located in different villages of Islamabad and Chakwal. I have visited each of the shrines of his deputies and disciples – not only in Islamabad but also in Chakwal. And I have interviewed the Gadi Nashins.

An eminent khalifa of Hafiz Barqandaz was Qazi Illahi Bakhsh Qureshi Hashmi, whose shrine is located in Bhagwal village in Chakwal district. He accompanied Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi in many of his visits to his deputies and disciples. He was asked by his mentor to establish a khanqah in Bhagwal village to continue preaching the Naushahiyya silsila there. On the instruction of his spiritual master Hafiz Barqandaz, Qazi Illahi Bakhsh Qureshi established his Sufi lodge in Bhagwal and converted many to the Naushahiyya silsila. According to Sahihbzada Ghulam Mustafa, the Gadi Nashin of the shrine of Qazi Illahi Bakhsh Qureshi, Qazi Illahi Bakhsh died in 1896 and was succeeded by his daughter Bhag Bhari. Like Syed Noor, the daughter of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi, Bhag Bhari also continued the missionary work of her father, and many people became her disciples. Bhag Bhari died in 1922 and was succeeded by her sister Noor Bhari. She became the Gadi Nashin of the shrine of Illahi Bakhsh Qureshi. Both Bhag Bhari and Noor Bhari are buried in the tomb of Qazi Illahi Bakhsh Qureshi. Three are three graves in the tomb, having Qazi Illahi Bakhsh Qureshi in the center. On the western side of Qazi Illahi Bakhsh’s grave is buried his daughter Noor Bhari while on the eastern side is his eldest daughter Bhag Bhari.

Another leading deputy of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi was Syed Qasim Ali Shah Bokhari whose shrine complex is located in Chirah village, which is located about 5 km northeast of Kirpa village. The shrine complex of Syed Qasim Ali Shah Bokhari comprises a mosque, his tomb and his son Syed Jamal Shah Bokhari’s tomb (d.1960). According to Syed Kosar Ali Shah Bokhari, the Gadi Nashin of the shrine of Syed Qasim Ali Shah Bukhari, Syed Qasim Ali Shah Bokhari, died in 1921 and was succeeded by his son Syed Jamal Shah Bokhari.

Another prominent deputy of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh was Syed Gul Hassan Shah Bokhari (1895). The shrine of Syed Gul Hassan Shah Bokhari is located in Pind Daiyan village near Jinnah Gardens, Islamabad. He also preached the Naushahiyya Silsila – not only in his village but also in other villages of Pothohar.

Syed Gohar Ali Shah was another prominent deputy of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi. The grave of Syed Gohar Ali Shah is located in the graveyard of Syed Pehlwan Shah Kazmi in Ratti Kassi on the main road that connects Darwala village to Bhimbar Trar village. As per the inscription on his grave, Syed Gohar Ali Shah died in 1924.

Apart from prominent deputies, the shrines of his disciples are also located in different villages in Islamabad. Two of his leading disciples were Sain Aku alias Kala Faqir and Sain Baq. Sain Aku was a very dear disciple of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi. I asked many people about the exact location of his shrine, but nobody knew about it. I kept asking and looking for his grave in and around Pind Malkan for two days and finally found his grave at Dhok Najaf, which is now situated in the OPF housing scheme. The grave of Sain Aku alias Kala Faqir is located on a Dheri (hill) and is covered with green chadar. This is the family graveyard of Sain Aku. The grave of his son Sain Najaf, after whom the village is named, is located east of the grave of Sain Aku. As per the inscription on his grave, Sain Najaf died in 1964.

Another prominent disciple of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi was Sain Bak (d.1929) whose shrine is located in Kangota Syedan village on Japan Road near the Naval Anchorage. The deputies and disciples of Hafiz Hayat Bakhsh Naushahi spread his message of peace, love and tolerance in various villages and towns of Pothohar.

________________

Dr. Zulfqar Ali Kalhoro, an anthropologist, has authored 12 books including ‘Symbols in Stone: The Rock Art of Sindh’, ‘Perspectives on the art and architecture of Sindh’, ‘Memorial Stones: Tharparkar’ and ‘Archaeology, Religion and Art in Sindh’. He may be contacted at: zulfi04@hotmail.com

Courtesy: The Friday Times Lahore

The post The Daughters Who Carried On Their Fathers’ Work first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro

Larkana and Qambar-Shahdadkot districts have been home to many great artists and artisans over the years. Masons from the districts have constructed some splendid palaces, magnificent tombs and marvelous mosques, most of which still dominate the landscape of Larkana and Qambar-Shahdadkot districts today. Some of the more prominent masons from the area were Chhuto Mashori, Budho Mashori, Daleel Tanwri, Muhram Samityo and Dildar Chandio who built the tombs and mosques during the Kalhora (1700-1783) and Talpur period (1783-1843 AD).

Focusing on the contemporary period, one name stands out amidst this sea of talent. Din Muhammad Lashari has acquired unrivaled fame in the field of architecture in Sindh and Balochistan, constructing tombs, mosques and other buildings. Indeed, this multi-talented artisan has, over the years, variously been known as an architect, painter and a mason. Born in the small village of Pandhi Lashari, in Qambar-Shahdadkot district, Din Muhammad Lashari displayed his skill from a young age. Each of his buildings has been unique, not only from the work of his contemporaries, but also from his previous creations.

I first met Din Muhammad Lashari in 2000 when he was constructing the domes over the tomb of Syed Hakim Ali Shah Patwaro, a disciple of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar, in Miro Khan tehsil in Qambar-Shahdadkot district. The tomb of Syed Hakim Shah was built by Ghulam Ali Sial of Badah in Larkana district but died before its completion. Syed Ali Akbar Shah, Sajjada Nashin of Syed Hakim Shah Patwaro laid the foundation of the tomb in 1980. The tomb construction continued by his son and by later his grandson. Ghulam Akbar Junejo of Dokri town, a devotee of Syed Hakim Ali Shah Patwaro, donated 2.5 million for the ceramic tiles which were used in decorating the tomb. Two of the masons Ahmad Kashigar and Manzoor Kashigar of Hala started decorating the tomb with ceramic tiles in 2005. The decoration work is still ongoing.

Din Muhammad Lashari only constructed domes over the tomb of Syed Hakim Ali Shah Patwaro. He died of cardiac arrest in 2002.

I visited each of Din Muhammad Lashari’s buildings in Sindh and Balochistan. Lashari was prolific: there are 20 tombs and 8 mosques to his name, not to mention the many houses he also helped design and construct.

The tomb of Fazal Faqir, a Qadiri Sufi of the 20th century, is located about 40 km south of Osta Mohammad in Balochistan, and is one of his more notable works. The tomb is a massive, square building enclosed by a mud wall marked by the use of stucco. The tomb’s interior is also adorned with stucco and paintings made by Din Muhammad Lashari. The peacock motif is particularly prominent and is repeated on the structure’s southern and western walls. The religious buildings also decorate the interior surface of the tomb.

Another of Lashari’s well-known monuments is a three-domed mosque in Jhal Magsi district. The mosque was heavily damaged in the 1960 floods, and Lashari was commissioned by Sardar Saifullah Khan Magsi to renovate it. The new mosque is rectangular in shape and is flanked by two towering minarets. It has been named after the Sardar who paid for its renovation. And, indeed, no expense was spared, as the façade of the building is lavishly decorated with glazed tiles and the interior is bedecked with paintings. One finds a variety of floral designs in this mosque.

Din Muhammad also renovated the tomb of Sardar Ahmed Khan Magsi, the hero of the Battle of Bungah, a battle which was battle fought between the Magsis and Rinds over the issue of cattle rustling in 1829 AD. Din Muhammad Lashari built an enclosing wall and also painted the tomb. He then carried out renovations to the canopies that crown the four corners of the structure.

Sardar Ahmed Khan Magsi’s tomb was damaged in the 1960 floods. The domes that crowned the structure are believed to have been swept away by floodwater. The graveyard remains partially submerged in floodwater for some time, and the tombs of Qaiser Khan Magsi and Mehon Khan Magsi, also tombs Lashari renovated, were also flooded.

Besides buildings in Balochistan, he also constructed several buildings in his hometown, Shahdadkot. Here, he erected the Tajar (wagon-vaulted tomb), in which many Sardars of the Khuhawar tribe are buried. In addition to this, he also built the tomb of Ghafoor Shah. While small, this tomb is noted for its conical dome. Each of Lashari’s structures is different from the other, and they have withstood the vagaries of the weather and the passage of time to stand as testaments to his great workmanship

Of all of his structures, however, surely the most imposing is the mausoleum of Syed Hakim Ali Shah Patwaro. Din Mohammad Lashari used a very particular and distinctive technique to render his domes. This technique has since diffused to other parts of upper Sindh. Broken shards of Chinese pottery were pieced together and attached to the domes, leaving them glistening in the sun. From a distance, it appears that the domes are covered with pieces of glass. Indeed, the interior of the tomb is decorated with a variety of glasswork.

The mausoleum of Hakim Shah is built in a square and is flanked by two three-storey minarets which rise to a height of 40 feet. The tomb has two portals, one each on the south and east walls, a deep recessed alcove on the northern wall and an arched niche on the western side. Its roof is crowned by five small domes, with another, larger, dome resting on an octagonal drum to complete the set. An arched rib runs around the drum to separate it from the dome which rests upon it. Finally, the dome is capped by a beautifully made inverted lotus.

Save for the tomb of Janullah Shah Rizvi, in Rohri town, the mausoleum of Syed Hakim Ali Shah Patwaro has no parallel in Sindhi contemporary architecture. It was this tomb that made Din Muhammad Lashari a mason of great repute in Sindh, although the major portion of the tomb was built by Ghulam Ali Sial but Din Muhammad Lashari’s construction of domes and their embellishments with broken Chinese plates made him famous. Today, though, he is sadly no longer with us.

He lives on in the magnificent mosques and tombs that he created in both in Sindh and Balochistan.

____________________

Dr. Zulfqar Ali Kalhoro, an anthropologist, has authored 12 books including ‘Symbols in Stone: The Rock Art of Sindh’, ‘Perspectives on the art and architecture of Sindh’, ‘Memorial Stones: Tharparkar’ and ‘Archaeology, Religion and Art in Sindh’. He may be contacted at: zulfi04@hotmail.com

Courtesy: The Friday Times Lahore

The post Celebrated Mason of Sindh first appeared on Sindh Courier.

 Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro

There is a Nanakpanthi shrine in every town and city of Sindh – be it a smaller settlement or a major urban center. The majority of Hindus in Sindh are Nanakpanthis who venerate Hindu deities, Baba Guru Nanak, his son Baba Sri Chand and other Sikh gurus. It is a blend of Hindu and Sikh religious traditions. In upper Sindh, there are many darbars and tikanas which belong to Nanakpanthis. One such darbar is located in Kambar town in the Kambar-Shahdadkot district. Located in Shivalo mohalla of Kambar town, Sain Vali Vilayat Darbar is the largest in the district. This darbar was founded by Sain Vali Vilayat Rai who came from Old Hala, first settled in Larkana and then moved to Kambar where today his darbar and Samadhi are located. Vali Vilayat Raiwas born in 1825 in a rich Hindu family of Old Hala. His father Pratab Rai was a Munshi of the Talpur Mirs of Hyderabad (1783-1843). Before moving to Kambar, Sain Vali Vilayat Rai served as a Tapedar (village accountant) under the Raj. Some irregularities were found in the accounts that he maintained. A case was registered against him and was sentenced to prison.

In jail, the story goes, he got a vision or visit by Guru Nanak, who told him about his previous incarnation as a yogi. Guru Nanak told him to discover himself. Moreover, Guru Nanak communicated to him that he was here in this world to do many things and to serve the people. After some time Sain Vali Vilayat Rai was released from jail and the charges under which he was sentenced proved to be false. He used to mediate whenever he found free time after his job. After some time, he discovered himself as a yogi and left the job. He went to Kambar town from Old Hala.

Sain Vali Vilayat Rai was a famous Sant in nineteenth-century Sindh. When Sain Vali Vilayat Rai came to Kambar, he chose the present Shivalo locality which was not populated at that time and was a perfect rendezvous for Yogis, Sants and Sadhus of Kambar, Shahdadkot, Larkana and other small towns in the then Larkana district. He preached Bhakti and led a Grihastha life, i.e. that of a householder. In other words, he led the life of a married person and home-builder, which is the second stage of a virtuous life lived according to Dharmic principles. Followers of Sain Vali Vilayat Rai upheld these principles as such.

He is believed to have travelled with Muslim Sufi saints to the famous Sufi shrines in Sindh. According to his hagiography once in a year he used to go to visit the Sufi shrines in Rohri, Sehwan and Jhok. In a short span of time, he became a popular saint in Kambar town and he started meeting frequently with other Hindu ascetics, Sikh Sants and Muslim Sufis. Apart from Sain Vali Vilayat Rai there were many Nanakpanthi saints who were equally popular. Some of his contemporary Nanakpanthi saints included Swami Dharmdas who founded a darbar in Kennedy Market in Larkana. Swami Dharamdas was a disciple of Sant Bhai Wasan Shah in Rohri. First, he established a darbar in Mena village and later in Larkana. Bhai Waliram was another famous Nanakpanthi saint who established his darbar in Digano Mahesar village in Miro Khan taluka. In all these darbars were placed copies of the Guru Granth Sahib. These Nanakpanthi saints of Larkana and Kambar spread the message of love, harmony, peace and tolerance among the various Hindu, Muslim and Sikh communities of Sindh.

Sain Vali Vilayat Rai also established a large hall in his darbar where the Guru Granth Sahib was placed. People used to recite the Guru Granth Sahib in the morning and evening. After his death, the darbar was managed by his chief disciple Jiwat Singh. He first served in the police department but soon left the job when he became the disciple of Sain Vali Vilayat Rai. Sain Jiwat Singh opened free dispensary for the poor people of Kambar. The people were given medicine free of charge and irrespective of faith. He used to spend most of his time either in serving the poor people or in spreading the message of his Guru Sain Vali Vilayat Rai. Sain Jiwat Singh was also a famous Sant and knew three languages: Persian, Arabic and Sindhi. He composed poetry in Sindhi. He died in 1899 in Kambar town. He was succeeded by his chief disciple Vishandas, who became the caretaker of the darbar. Like Jiwat Singh, he also spread the message of love, harmony and tolerance as taught by Sain Vali Vilayat Rai.

Today, Sain Vali Vilayat Rai Darbar is one of the main worship places of Hindus of Kambar town. It is a three-storey building noted for its ornately carved doors and windows reflecting colonial aesthetics. The building is believed to have been erected by Sain Vali Vilayat Rai in 1887. The spacious hall of the darbar houses the Guru Granth Sahib with posters of Sikh gurus hung on the walls. On the east of the hall is a small room containing with the relics of Sain Vali Vilayat Rai, Jiwat Singh and Baba Vishandas. A small wooden canopy houses a cot on which Baba Vishandas used to sit. In front of the wooden canopy is placed a table on which pictures of Sain Vali Vilayat Rai, Sain Jiwat Singh and Baba Vishandas have been placed. They are invoked daily by the devotees. On the wooden canopy are posters of Baba Guru Nanak and Durga Mata. On top of the canopy are placed three pictures. In the centre is a poster bearing the images of Sain Vali Vilayat Rai and Jiwat Singh. On the left of this poster is photo of Baba Guru Nanak and on the right is an image of Sai Baba. The wall of this room is also decorated with posters of Sikh Gurus and Hindu deities. Posters of Uderolal are also to be seen on the wall.

Just opposite the hall of the Guru Granth Sahib is located a square structure crowned with a dome, which contains three Samadhis – those of Vali Vilayat Rai, Jiwat Singh and Baba Vishandas respectively. The domed building was erected by Baba Vishandas in 1941.

After Partition in 1947, many Hindus from Sindh migrated to India. The majority of the descendants stayed in Sindh, Pakistan, and some migrated to Mumbai, India. A branch of the Vali Vilayat Rai Kambar Darbar was established at Kandivali, Bombay (now Mumbai) in 1960. The foundation stone of Kambar Darbar at Kandivli Bombay was laid by Mata Chaini Bai, originally from Larkana, who also became the first female spiritual head of the Kambar Darbar at Kandivali. After the death of Mata Chaini Bai in 1980, Dadi Gopi, who was also from Larkana and migrated to Bombay after Partition, assumed the spiritual responsibilities of the Kambar Darbar at Kandivali. And when Dadi Gopi passed away in 1998, Dadi Kamal Badlani took over.

When Sain Vali Vilayat Rai came to Kambar, he chose the present Shivalo locality which was a perfect rendezvous for Yogis, Sants and Sadhus of Kambar, Shahdadkot, Larkana and other small towns in the then Larkana district.

After the death of Baba Vishandas in 1946, the Sain Vali Vilayat Rai Darbar in Kambar town itself was managed by the Vali Vilayat Rai Trust. The trustees of the darbar are responsible for the activities of the Darbar as per the Trust Deed of 1940 prepared by Baba Vishandas. The present trustee of the darbar, Sobhraj L. Parmani manages all the affairs of darbar – from holding the annual festival to the maintenance. At the time of the annual festival, Qamabr Town is thronged with the devotees of Sain Vali Vilayat Rai from all over Sindh.

__________________

Zulfiqar Ali Kalhoro is an anthropologist and author of 12 books including ‘Symbols in Stone: The Rock Art of Sindh’, ‘Perspectives on the art and architecture of Sindh’, ‘Memorial Stones: Tharparkar’ and ‘Archaeology, Religion and Art in Sindh’. He may be contacted at: zulfi04@hotmail.com

Courtesy: The Friday Times Lahore

The post Nanakpanthi Saints of Sindh first appeared on Sindh Courier.