• When religion is weaponised, law is auctioned, drugs are normalized, minorities are abandoned, and the Constitution is quietly mutilated, silence becomes the greatest crime.

Noor Muhammad Marri Advocate | Islamabad

Thar, in particular, is being devastated, not by fate but by a new form of internal colonization. Coal projects have poisoned water sources, turning life-sustaining wells into acidic and saline death traps, yet this destruction is marketed as development. The desert is no longer only dry; it is deliberately made uninhabitable. In this process, the most vulnerable—religious minorities, especially Dalits and so-called untouchables—are pushed to the edge. They are left with only two options: migrate or convert. Young, innocent girls are kidnapped and forcibly converted to Islam, and religion is cynically used as a shield by a vicious circle to escape the reach of law. This is not faith; it is organized crime wearing religious clothing. And yet, there is no strong protest recorded anywhere except a few statements and scattered rallies.

Drugs are being pushed into every corner of Sindh with frightening efficiency. From villages to cities, narcotics have become the most profitable business. Everyone knows that postings of SPs and SHOs are decided through auctions; law enforcement itself has been commercialized. District Thatta is going through traumatic conditions—drug trafficking has destroyed families, and mouth cancer is so common that it has almost become normalized. The entire coastal belt is under the control of the mafia, but again, no protest. Fisherfolk are dispossessed, livelihoods are crushed, land and sea are looted, yet silence remains our collective response.

Read: Sindh in Turmoil: Extremists Attack Hindu Bheel Homes and Demolish Temple

The canal issue, once projected as an existential question for Sindh, has suddenly disappeared. Not because it was resolved in the interest of the people, but because differences between the ruling elite and the establishment were settled. Political bargaining replaced public interest. Power was adjusted, silence was purchased, and even the Kashmir government was handed over to the PPP as part of this settlement. Principles vanished the moment power arrangements were finalized.

After the 18th Amendment, how much financial transfer has actually come to the Sindh government? No one knows. Where has the money gone? There is no transparent audit, no serious accountability, and once again, no protest. Provincial autonomy was promised as a remedy, but autonomy without accountability has only strengthened feudal capture. Now the 26th and 27th Amendments have shaken the foundations of the 1973 Constitution itself, yet all are mealy-mouthed. Where are those constitutional experts who once wrote books and delivered long lectures on federalism in Pakistan? Why this sudden silence? Either these amendments do not affect the federation at all, or perhaps foreign funding has not yet been released. Intellectual resistance, it seems, is also conditional.

Eighteen years of continuous so-called ‘democratic rule’ have now outpaced even Zia-ul-Haq’s martial law, yet our sages remain silent. Dictatorship at least declared itself honestly; today authoritarianism hides behind elections. In Northern Sindh, dacoits effectively run their own governments, but we rarely cry for those victims. However, if a Sindhi in Karachi slips on a banana peel, we immediately raise the slogan that Karachi is being snatched. Our outrage is selective, guided by identity politics rather than justice.

Not a single word is spoken against the PPP government. Not against corruption, not against collapse of governance, not against moral decay. Instead, we remain busy conducting melas and musical programs and cultural rituals. Culture has been reduced to an escape mechanism, not a tool of resistance. Poetry is celebrated, but truth is avoided. Songs are sung, but injustice is tolerated.

This silence is not innocence; it is complicity. Sindh today is not suffering from lack of resources or intellect, but from lack of courage. When religion is weaponised, law is auctioned, drugs are normalized, minorities are abandoned, and the Constitution is quietly mutilated, silence becomes the greatest crime. Until we find the moral strength to question power—regardless of party, slogan, or personality—Thar will continue to burn, minorities will continue to flee, drugs will continue to kill, and we will continue to applaud ourselves in cultural gatherings while our society collapses around us.

Read: Unemployment Fuels Social, Political Turmoil

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Noor Muhammad Marri is an Advocate and Mediator, based Islamabad

The post Sindh under an ‘Engineered Sleep’ first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Prof Dr. Abdullah G Arijo

Sindh’s sufferings have been a topic of discussion and debate among scholars, activists, and politicians since long. Despite having a rich and diverse cultural heritage, and contributing a lot in national economy with its sea ports, trade, industries, natural resources like gas and petroleum besides huge coal reserves and the electricity produced from it, this Pakistani province has encountered numerous challenges and injustices.

The injustices committed to Sindh during last 75 years cannot be penned down in a single article therefore I would focus on the current situation prevailing in Sindh.

The very recent incident having taken place in Sindh is killing of four innocent villagers and injuries to nine others during a raid by law enforcing agencies in a village near Sakrand. The incident has sparked condemnation from across Sindh and raised concerns about law and order in the province. A ‘thorough investigation’ has been ordered by the caretaker chief minister. The incident has caused grief and anger among the relatives and friends of the victims, who have demanded justice and accountability for the perpetrators.

The security officials’ violence and brutality during the incident in Sakrand have left residents feeling fearful and insecure. This has led to protests and demonstrations by political and civil society groups, who are condemning the human rights violations and calling for an impartial inquiry into the matter.

The recent incident has brought to light the inadequate governance and lack of coordination among law enforcement agencies, resulting in a failure to safeguard citizens’ lives and property. This occurrence has emphasized the necessity for reformation and enhancement in the law-and-order situation in Sindh, particularly in rural regions where crime is a frequent occurrence.

Sindh always has an unending list of sufferings. This include forced conversions and marriages of Hindu girls and women.

The caretaker chief minister of Sindh, Justice ® Maqbool Baqar, ordered a detailed probe into the incident and formed a three-member committee to investigate the matter and submit a report within four days. A committee led by Hyderabad Commissioner Syed Khalid Hyder Shah is investigating, with members from the police and special branch.

The committee’s task is to ascertain the causes behind the clash that resulted in the loss of lives and injuries to law enforcement personnel.

The government as usual has also expressed its concern over the law-and-order situation in Sindh and vowed to provide all resources to law enforcement agencies to maintain peace and security in the province.

Sindh always has an unending list of sufferings. This include forced conversions and marriages of Hindu girls and women. According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), there were 31 cases of forced conversions reported in Sindh in 2020, mostly involving Hindu girls and women who were abducted, married to Muslim men, and converted to Islam against their will1. The HRCP also noted that the existing laws and mechanisms to protect the rights of religious minorities were inadequate and ineffective and the issue remains the same as ever.

Violence against women and children. According to the Aurat Foundation, a women’s rights organization, there were 2,297 cases of violence against women reported in Sindh in 2020, including 403 cases of murder, 249 cases of rape, 138 cases of domestic violence, and 118 cases of honor killing2. The foundation also reported that there were 1,304 cases of violence against children reported in Sindh in 2020, including 189 cases of murder, 178 cases of sexual abuse, 112 cases of kidnapping, and 106 cases of torture.

Enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings are also common. According to the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances (COIED), there were 1,226 cases of enforced disappearances pending in Sindh as of December 2020. The COIED also noted that many of the victims belonged to ethnic and political groups, such as Sindhi nationalist parties, and the Baloch nationalist parties. According to the HRCP, there were also reports of extrajudicial killings by the police and other security agencies in Sindh, especially in Karachi. The HRCP also expressed concern over the lack of accountability and transparency in the use of force by law enforcement agencies.

Sindh is a province of Pakistan that has a rich and diverse cultural heritage but has also faced many challenges and injustices in the past and present.

Drought and malnutrition in Tharparkar are yet another suffering. According to the Sindh Health Department, there were 650 deaths of children under five years old due to malnutrition and other diseases in the Thar district of Sindh in 2020. The district has been facing a chronic drought since 2013, affecting the livelihoods and health of millions of people, especially the indigenous communities but there is no policy to end the issue. According to the UNICEF, more than 40 percent of children under five years old in Thar are stunted, while more than 17 percent are wasted. The UNICEF also noted that the district lacks adequate health facilities, water supply, sanitation, and education services.

Sindh is a province of Pakistan that has a rich and diverse cultural heritage but has also faced many challenges and injustices in the past and present.

Under British rule, Sindh was annexed in 1843 and subjected to exploitation. The British imposed their laws and administration without regard for local customs and separated Sindh from its historical and cultural connections with other regions of India.

India’s partition in 1947 led to Sindh becoming a part of Pakistan. However, Sindhis were discriminated against by the Punjabi-dominated government, leading to their marginalization and deprivation of rights. The settlement of Indian refugees in Sindh also changed its demographics.

For various periods spanning more than three decades, Pakistan was ruled by the military. During this time, the military dictators suppressed the democratic movements and aspirations of the Sindhis, who sought greater autonomy and representation for their province. Additionally, the military regimes imposed martial law, censorship, repression, and violence on the Sindhis, who resisted their policies and actions. Furthermore, the military rulers supported religious extremism and sectarianism in Sindh, which endangered its secular and pluralistic values.

Sindh, a less developed province in Pakistan, suffers from poverty, illiteracy, corruption, insecurity, and environmental degradation. It also struggles with poor governance, nepotism, and mismanagement by authorities. Environmental issues such as water scarcity, floods, droughts, pollution, deforestation, and climate change further add to its challenges.

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Prof. (R) Dr. Abdullah G. Arijo is Advisor and Visiting Professor, SBBUVAS, Sakrand, Pakistan. He is Ex-Chairman, Department of Parasitology, Sindh Agriculture University and Ex-Advisor Academics & P&D to Vice Chancellor SAU Tandojam

The post SINDH IN TURMOIL first appeared on Sindh Courier.

[The research paper was authored in 2021 but the situation in Sindh remains unchanged]  

By Zachary Skidmore

Pakistan’s southern province of Sindh is confronted by issues ranging from poor governance, lack of support to small and medium-sized farmers and a fragile regulatory framework. A study in contrasts defined by sharp urban-rural and socioeconomic divides, Sindh’s politics has ethnic and sub-nationalist elements. Despite huge productivity potential, Sindh remains largely untapped. The available data suggest that Sindh has experienced little improvements in any of the human development indicators over the past two decades. Moreover, the province is faced with a large influx of people from other parts of Pakistan who put an additional burden on its resources and infrastructure. The province’s extremes range from the wealth and density of Karachi, the mega port city that dominates the economy not only of Sindh but also of Pakistan as a whole, and the poverty in other parts like Tharparkar.

The rural districts of Sindh are home to some of the most impoverished citizens of Pakistan, many of them haris (sharecroppers) who are tied to waderos (landowners) in bonded labor arrangements. Industrial and commercial activity in Karachi has long outpaced the agricultural economy that flourishes on the banks of the Indus in Sindh, further exacerbating the province’s economic divisions.

The center regularly commits excesses with the province. Sindh’s political leadership claims that that by showing a reduced population of the province in the census figures the federal government deprives the region it of its increased share in the divisible pool in the National Finance Commission Award.

Water and Agrarian Crisis

Sindh holds a special place as far as its contribution to the overall agrarian economy of the country is concerned. However, despite having a climatic advantage, Sindh’s crop yields are decreasing. Sindh comes up with an impressive output of wheat every year despite pre- and post-harvest losses at various stages, but because the province lacks storage capacity, only a limited quantity is procured from farmers at support price and the rest is hoarded or sold in the market at lower prices. Of the four million tons of wheat produced by the province, only 1.3m tons are procured every year after hiring rented premises.

Presently at the height of summer, the Guddu Barrage in Sindh province is facing the “worst water shortage in 60 years.” Pakistan’s government has circulated an advisory to farmers not to go for paddy sowing in May and June as all three barrages in Sindh are bearing with 36.94pc water shortage. Every year wherever cotton is grown or paddy nurseries are prepared in Sindh, the crops are affected due to water shortage. On the other hand, 50,000 acres of land is irrigated in Punjab’s riverine area out of the water flows released for Sindh. The timely availability of water remains essential for achieving desired growth in the agriculture sector. However, being a lower riparian region, Sindh continues to face water shortage more often than not.

Worsening the problem is the tug of war between the Indus River System Authority (IRSA) members from Pakistan’s Sindh and Punjab over water distribution. This dispute has aggravated over the opening of TP-link canal from the Indus at a time when the low riparian federating units are craving for water even for drinking purposes. Recently the Pakistan Peoples Party’s (PPP) in Sindh chapter announced holding protests against Imran Khan’s government at the district level in the Sindh province from June 3 to June 15 against acute water shortage.

Law and order problems in Sindh have been exacerbated by systemic issues, including socioeconomic factors, an extreme urban-rural divide, poor governance, and a centuries-old feudal system

Amid the rising population and climate change, the availability of freshwater is becoming worrisome in Pakistan, which may face absolute water scarcity by 2040. In 2016 a commission appointed to probe whether people in Sindh received clean drinking water, and whether the Sindh Environmental Protection Agency (Sepa) had discharged its statutory responsibilities conclude that the “people of Sindh are not drinking clean water. The mixing of untreated sewage with freshwater bodies — rivers, canals, lakes, ponds etc. — was found to be the prime cause of contamination. It was found that water is unfit for drinking purpose in many cities.

Environmental & Health Crisis in Sindh

Even as Pakistan is listed as the 7th most affected country by climate change, within the country, Sindh is the worst affected by extreme weather events that are the classic manifestations of climate change. Erratic rain patterns have led to decline of rainfall.

A World Bank (WB) analysis ‘Sustainability and Poverty Alleviation: Confronting Environmental Threats in Sindh’ estimates that 45,000 people died prematurely in 2009 in Sindh from major environmental health hazards, and its economic impact in terms of GDP was 15 per cent of Sindh’s GDP, with an annual cost of about PKR 372 billion. The most important environmental problems are those affecting human health. The report recommended that lead exposure should also be tackled urgently, as it resulted in irreversible effects, including impaired intelligence in children, which have significant and lifelong consequences. Among the problems, inadequate water supply, sanitation, and hygiene has the highest cost; air pollution, both in urban areas and within households, is another pressing challenge. The problems associated with degradation of natural resources and losses from floods and other natural disasters have a cost equal to 5.3 per cent of the province’s GDP.

Amid challenges from several public service issues, another crisis is looming large as major hospitals across Sindh are running their operations without medicines. Citing the gravity of the situation during the COVID-19 pandemic, a senior health professional was quoted by the media, “The Sindh government hospitals across the province right now are running their operations without medicines and in some cases several health facilities have formally informed the authorities about their inability to operate even their emergency units in such a situation.”

Food Insecurity

Out of five provinces of Pakistan, the situation is worst in Sindh province where Food Insecurity ranges from 40 to 70%. Closely related to health and food scarcity is the stunting indicator of intensifying malnutrition Sindh. As many as 48 per cent children under the age of five are stunted while 35pc of them are severely stunted. Major nutritional problems in Sindh are low birth weight due to poor maternal nutrition, protein-energy malnutrition, anemia, and iodine deficiency. Malnutrition is a deep-rooted governance problem.

In 2020, the population faced multiple shocks including high food prices, locust outbreaks and heavy monsoon rains/flooding, all exacerbated by the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. Around 3.1 million people (26 percent of the rural population analyzed) are estimated to be facing high levels of acute food insecurity (IPC Phase 3 or above) in March to June 2021.

Security Crisis

Sindh was once known for its progressive politics, religious tolerance, pluralism and vibrant civil society, but the province has undergone a change and is no more immune to security challenges.

Organized crime, particularly kidnapping for ransom rackets, is the greatest current security challenge in rural Sindh. Criminal gangs operate unchecked with the patronage of political parties and influential landowners, and the politicized police force do little to clamp down on criminal activities. The dense riverine forests in Sindh provide excellent cover for the outlaws where they can disappear after committing their crimes, which run the gamut from murder and extortion to kidnapping for ransom. While that is true, there is also a political dimension to the perennial law-enforcement problem.

Even some extremist organizations are increasingly active in Sindh’s central and northern districts. Sectarian militant groups and the anti-state Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan are consolidating their presence in the province in rural areas.

In parts of interior Sindh, there have also been unconfirmed reports that the educated unemployed are joining the ranks of dacoits who offer them monetary compensation and protection in return for “services” rendered. The result is that today a thin line divides crime from politics, a gap that is likely to be bridged further by the gradual collapse of the state machinery in the interior of Sindh. Ensuring stability in Sindh is key to tackling the security situation in Karachi and in preventing the spread into the province of violent extremist and sectarian groups based in southern Punjab.

Human Rights problems

Human rights cases in Sindh, Pakistan, range from arbitrary arrests and enforced disappearances to torture, extrajudicial killings, and political repression. In October 2011, Asian Human Rights Commission issued an appeal on information it had received that the Sindh University authorities allegedly used law enforcement agencies for disappearances of students in Sindh province. In a 2012 statement issued by Asian Human Rights Commission, it said that: “In Sindh province more than 100 nationalists were abducted and disappeared after 9/11, many were extra judicially killed and their tortured and bullet riddled bodies were dumped on the streets.”

According to the Chairperson of the World Sindhi Congress Rubina Greenwood, “Since February 2017, more than 300 disappearances have occurred, including young activists such as Aaqib Chandio, Shabir Kalhoro, Basit Kalhoro, Ayoob Kandhro, Kashif Tagar, Shahid Junejo, Insaf Dayo and others. The families of the missing continue to suffer.”

Hindu Bonded Labor, Forced Marriages and Conversions

The position of religious minorities in Pakistan is overwhelmingly at the bottom of the socio-economic structure. This places them in a powerless position and leaves them vulnerable to predation and forced conversions. This is often compounded by the Untouchable (Dalit) caste status of many Hindus in Sindh. According to the International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN) the majority of the so-called Untouchable, or Scheduled Castes (Dalits) in Pakistan are Hindus in the Sindh region. Dalits and Hindus also make up a large part of Sindh’s landless bonded labor that forms the backbone of the economy in both agriculture and brick kilns. The situation of bonded labor places people in a virtually powerless position vis-à-vis those who own their labor. For example, 14-year-old Jeevti from Sindh, the daughter of Hindu bonded laborers, was abducted in the middle of the night from the family’s home by the landlord. She was converted to Islam and forcibly married to the landlord as his second wife because he claimed that the family owed him $1000. Jai Prakash Moorani, editor of the Sindhi daily stated, “When Hindu girls are kidnapped, forcibly converted and married to Muslims, the police, government and courts all turn a blind eye.”

It is a matter of great concern that successive federal and provincial governments had completely ignored various issues in Sindh, especially the water shortage, unemployment, steep prices of essential commodities and law and order situation

Evidence provided by numerous NGOs, journalists and academics have shown that abductions and forced conversions are one of the most serious problems facing Hindu and Christian women and girls. Former vice-chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, Amarnath Motual, notes that 20 or more Hindu girls are abducted every month in Pakistan. The volunteer group, Responsible for Equality and Liberty estimates that between 20 to 25 Hindu girls are forcibly converted every month.

Conclusion

It is a matter of great concern that successive federal and provincial governments had completely ignored various issues in Sindh, especially the water shortage, unemployment, steep prices of essential commodities and law and order situation.

Law and order problems in Sindh have been exacerbated by systemic issues, including socioeconomic factors, an extreme urban-rural divide, poor governance, and a centuries-old feudal system. The authorities are yet to fulfil their obligations under these international treaties to protect the rights of vulnerable minorities from forced conversions and forced marriages. Political representation for religious minorities, law enforcement, legal system capacity, education policies, government accountability and transparency, and job creation are key to enhancing stability, both within the province and across the country.

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Zachary Skidmore is London based researcher who serves as a research assistant for Peace for Asia. A recent Masters graduate in International Studies and Diplomacy from SOAS, University of London, his main areas of interest lie in human rights abuses in Asia and the impact of the growth of regional super powers on marginalized communities throughout the continent.

Courtesy: Peace for Asia (Published on JUL 1, 2021)

The post Sindh –A Province in Turmoil first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Aamir Latif 

KARACHI, Sindh, Pakistan

Escalating political uncertainty, a balance of payment crisis, severely depleted foreign reserves, and increasingly grim prospects of external financing: Pakistan is presumably sitting on an economic powder keg.

The country has been engulfed by unrest since former Prime Minister Imran Khan was arrested earlier this month.

Arrests, court cases, and the future of Khan and his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party dominate the daily news cycle, but beneath it all lurk persistent fears of a default, an eventuality with repercussions that would be felt far beyond the political realm.

Reports from local and international organizations warn that Pakistan’s economy is on the brink.

Ratings agency Moody’s downgraded the country’s credit rating in February, while more recently it said Pakistan could default as soon as June if it fails to secure an International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout.

Islamabad has been negotiating with the IMF since early February for the release of $1.1 billion, part of a $6.5 billion bailout package that, ironically, was inked in 2019 by Khan’s government.

To meet the IMF’s stringent demands, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and his coalition government have cut back on subsidies, removed an artificial cap on the exchange rate, mounted taxes, and hiked fuel and electricity prices.

All of this as inflation soars, growth stalls, and what was once the strongest currency in the region has become the weakest, leaving the South Asian nation and its over 220 million people facing an economic crisis of exceptional proportions.

Damning figures

Pakistan’s severe economic spiral is characterized best by the skyrocketing rate of inflation – 36.4% in April, the highest in nearly six decades.

On the foreign reserves front, the country is left with a mere $4.3 billion, just enough to cover a month’s worth of imports.

To temporarily alleviate some of the financial strain, China rolled over a $2 billion loan in late March, while Saudi Arabia extended the term of a $3 billion foreign reserve deposit it made as a loan in 2021.

On the other side is the case of Islamabad’s external debt, which has plunged by over $10 billion. That has effectively reduced its current account deficit from July 2022 to this April to $3.3 billion, significantly lower than the $13.6 billion of the corresponding 2021-22 period.

That drop is because imports were pulled down to $47 billion between last July and this April, compared to $65.5 billion during the previous corresponding period, according to Shahid Hasan Siddiqui, an economist in the financial hub of Karachi.

However, this decline in imports has dented Pakistan’s manufacturing sector, exports, and subsequently, the already struggling GDP, which is teetering towards negative growth, he explained.

“Less imports of raw materials and machinery due to a shortage of foreign reserves affected the manufacturing sector and hit our capacity for exports,” he told Anadolu.

All bets on IMF

Other economists in Pakistan also feel the economy could tip over the edge, but reckon that the odds of a default in the near future are remote, particularly given the country’s nuclear status and the wider geopolitical situation in the aftermath of the Russia-Ukraine war.

To ease growing fears and lower the default risk, Pakistan has to somehow secure a deal with the IMF, said Khaqan Najeeb, an economist and former Finance Ministry adviser.

Along with the political tumult and external financing challenge, he cited “less than desirable economic management” as a key reason for Pakistan’s default risk.

“Pakistan’s options are limited, and without an IMF program, the default risk will stay elevated and the reserves weak,” he told Anadolu.

However, he said there are expectations that a staff-level agreement with the IMF could be sealed “in the next few days,” which would give Islamabad the funds required for external payments.

Ammar Habib Khan, a macroeconomist, shared Najeeb’s views, stressing that a deal with the IMF is “crucial” in terms of Pakistan’s ability to pay off foreign debts and prop up depleting foreign reserves.

In his view, the chances of Pakistan facing a default “immediately” are slim, but the outlook grows starkly grim for 2024.

“Pakistan can face a real challenge in terms of a default in April next year, when it has to handle $1.1 billion Eurobond payments to private investors,” he told Anadolu.

“If Islamabad doesn’t have enough reserves by that time, it will be in serious trouble.”

However, he feels that Pakistan has a lifeline in allies China and Saudi Arabia, who will continue to support Islamabad even if the IMF agreement is delayed.

Geopolitics at play

Despite the dismal shape of the Pakistani economy, Siddiqui, the Karachi-based expert, said the country will not default unless the government consciously chooses that path.

Shedding light on the interplay between economy and geopolitics, he said Pakistan’s economic stability is essential for the interests of world powers such as the US and China.

“Economy and geopolitics are interlinked. I don’t believe that global superpowers, mainly the US and China, can afford a default by Pakistan in the current geopolitical situation,” he opined.

He said the US and its Western allies would not want to see a nuclear-armed country default, especially after the Russia-Ukraine war.

“Washington also still needs Pakistan in Afghanistan and the Middle East, whereas Beijing, which is already facing criticism from the West over CPEC (China-Pakistan Economic Corridor) loans, simply cannot afford to see Islamabad default,” Siddiqui contended.

He was referring to the $64 billion CPEC project, part of Beijing’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which aims to connect China’s northwestern Xinjiang province to the Gwadar port in southern Pakistan through a network of roads, railways and pipelines to transport cargo, oil and gas.

Washington, time and again, has said the project is “not sufficiently transparent,” claiming that it will saddle Pakistan with the burden of expensive Chinese loans.

Both Islamabad and Beijing reject the criticism.

Pakistan currently owes an external debt of $125 billion, of which, nearly 25% is shared by China, according to official figures.

“If Pakistan defaults, the West will heap the blame on Chinese loans. In that case, the entire BRI could be affected,” Siddiqui asserted.

For him, Pakistan still has two alternatives to avoid default. The first is through local foreign exchange companies, which can provide financial support, and the second is the millions of overseas nationals who can contribute to the country’s financial stability.

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Aamir Latif is a senior journalist based in Karachi. He represents Anadolu, a Turkish news agency

Courtesy: Anadolu Agency (Posted on May 25, 2023)

The post EXPLAINED: Pakistan’s economic crisis and default risk first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Most of the problems born, more deftly when political figures especially in power and opposition pushed their narrow agendas of bringing their personal interests and hitting opponent near nose with clumsy fist coursing muscles.  

Afzal Panhwar

Anton Chekhov, Russian short story writer known for his classical masterpieces on psychological realism, wrote ‘The black monk’ – a short novel that illustrates story of Andrey Kovrin, who is lecturer in psychology and working at philosophy in general. Kovrin is invited by Tanya, a young lady and childhood fellow as well as the daughter of his former guardian Pesotsky to stay with them at Borissovka for vacation that Kovrin accepted.

Pesotsky had an immense house, peeling the architectural molding. The old park, stretched for almost three-quarter of a mile to the river. But near the house itself, in the courtyard and orchard, which together with the nurseries covered ninety acres, which smell marvelous roses, lilies and camellias; such a wealth of flowers. A great number of proletariats co-working in garden under the authority of Pesotsky. He was bothered tremendously that, “what will happen to the garden one day I will die”. Pesotsky knows that Tanya feels joy when she is surrounded by nature but after his death, she will be mistress and get married, afterwards mother children. And Tanya will have no time for garden and it will be handed to devils who will run it for own profit.

A worried master and father Pesotsky, who admires young Kovrin for his talent, humbleness and struggles through pursued a great career, offers Korvin to marry her daughter. Few days after the conversation between two nostalgic fellows, Kovrin married to Tanya.

Soon later, Kovrin suffers from psychological problems, he hallucinated a monk in black, who never existed but only in Kovrin’s thoughts. The mental disorder changed circumstances horribly which resulted fadedness, rudeness and clumsiness in Kovrin’s behavior and he left Borissovka his in-laws’ town to Sevastopol. But before leaving Kovrin vomited poison in presence of his wife that broke her into pieces, he also fiercely added, it was Tanya’s father who asked him to marry her. Pesotsky was standing near doorway and heard every word Kovrin vomited. Soon Pesotsky went back to his room, remained there for few days until he died.

Days wasted, Kovrin received a letter from his wife Tanya that reads “My father is just died. I owe that to you, for you have killed him. Our garden is being ruined; strangers are managing it already – that is, the very thing is happening that poor father dreaded.”

Analyzing the story psychoanalytically through Slavoj Žižek, Slovenian psychoanalyst and philosopher, with the lenses of Jacques Lacan, French psychoanalyst and psychiatrist. According to theorists, “through fantasy we learn desire” (Žižek), and “desire is the essence of reality” (Lacan). The basic paradox of story that is aiming at: the subject (Pesotsky) is confronted with –the fantasy himself created– scene from the future, which pictures garden will be ruined if he dies, and he wants to intervene in and change it. Pesotsky takes stance and decides to get her daughter married Kovrin so he could make fantasy not happen. His stance of decision making, and it is not that Pesotsky could achieve nothing but quite the contrary, only through his intervention and stance, fantasy became reality and the devastation of garden was inevitable. The initial illusion of Pesotsky comprises in formal exclude in the scene his own act. In other words, the fantasy or prophecy is no illusion anymore, by means of his or her strive to evade. When one sees symptom of fantasy that is advance of destiny, he endeavors to escape or change that fantasy but its endeavor that makes the fantasy reality.

Pesotsky’s attempt to swap scene from the future, by means of this very attempt that was predicted, is prophecy to realize the reality of destiny itself. Without fantasy or attempt to evade fantasy, Pesotsky would live longer happily with his daughter and taking care of garden. But, if he dies, Tanya might marry a gentle and humble man and lives happily. And there would be no ‘Kovrin complex’.

Relating to current scenario, the history shares grand books on Pakistan’s political and economic turmoil. There has been failure of governance and unreformed economic policies that created instability in county. Reforms that could have fascinated country and transformed its fate through high-growing economy and sustainable trajectory were often postponed. Most of the problems born, more deftly when political figures especially in power and opposition pushed their narrow agendas of bringing their personal interests and hitting opponent near nose with clumsy fist coursing muscles.

Deliberately, Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), a coalition of major Opposition parties, during the reign of former government of Pakistan Tahreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) shared contemplate of turmoil and instability in Pakistan, accusing ruling party for its mismanagement of policies and lack knowledge of state affairs. Further, PDM added notion of scenes from future, that soon the circumstances of state affairs will be catastrophic, economic instability: currency depreciation, single US dollar might touch in interexchange rate 200rs, lack of management of state institutions, political polarization, targeting dissent/opposition on personal benefits and derail state institution to further own aims. Public will be in the street due to high inflation in the time of no access of earning to fulfil their daily needs of survival. Nevertheless, it sounds, perhaps one of the most difficult situations will be fallen, which through the country would suffer tremendously as par PDM demonstration.

In persuasion of state prosperity and escape the scene from future that would hit-hard, Opposition (PDM) explicitly called for no-confidence vote for Prime Minister Imran Khan in parliament at the means of constitutional procedure. Consequently, opposition won by solid majority and selected/elected new prime minister of Pakistan.

The reign of PDM starts. US dollar hits 200rs, former ministers, members of parliament and PTI workers have been raided and kept under bars for political purposes, state institutions are being engaged in political polarization, hundreds of thousands common people are in the street, and country suffers political, economic and security challenges.

This paradoxical structure raises a question, truth or misrecognition? The truth is Opposition (PDM) had knowledge, what situation will be once no-confidence vote is won in its favor; and misrecognition is, PDM did not do homework perfectly. It pursued strategy until PTI government fails, when government ungoverned, PDM had no idea; which card should be shown.

Towards theorists, the fantasy of state turmoil has been faced into reality. The subject (PDM) is confronted with fantasy that country will face historic crisis under the PTI government, and pursued strategy of time to dismantle it. Subject calls for no-confidence vote and won with hard-balls. But the process of strive to escape the scene from future through no-confidence vote, worked well in favor of fantasy. The fantasy of state turmoil, “fantasy without fantasy” is destined perfectly. PDM’s attempt to swap scene from the future, by means of this very attempt that was predicted, made fantasy the reality of destiny. Without fantasy, situation might be different, probably country had worse time but least than now.

Mr. Khan’s turn, alike PDM for fantasy symptom of turmoil.

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Afzal Panhwar holds an I.R (Hons) degree from University of Sindh. He is freelance writer and can be reached at: mahammadafzalpanhwar@gmail.com

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