Subazi’ Aliov, an Uzbek Ismaili leader from Central Asia had also joined the forces of the Aga Khan in 1842. He is said to have confronted the Talpur commander Hosh Muhammad in Hyderabad. He led the Ismaili cavalry in the battle of Miani on February 17, 1843.
From Ismaili Net
There had been hardly 250 to 300 Ismailis in Jerruk, including those who were famous for their piety and services. The Ismailis resided in the series of houses down the hill. They had built a prayer-hall (jamatkhana) on 100 sq. yards inside the street facing the Mahallat. We are reviewing the period, suffering absolutely with historical documents, and therefore, many eminent characters in Jerruk have not been identified.
Merali Alidina, known as Aloo and his brother, Ghulam Hussain Haji, known as Gulu are however worthy of notice. Gulu commanded good control on the Persian, therefore, the Imam took him in Bombay as an interpreter. A certain Umaid Ali Bachal and Basaria, the father of Merali, Musa Danidina and Allana were also the residents of Jerruk. Sabzali of Tando Bagho is also reported to have come with his family in Jerruk. Bhagat Akhund was also a devout person, reciting the ginans in the prayer-hall in Jerruk, vide a facsimile of the ginans of Bhagat Akhund. Ramal and his son Bambo were also the residents of Jerruk, who daily procured water at the river for the house of the Imam.
Shireen, the mother of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, was the daughter of Musa, the son of Juma. The father of Juma was Vali, who also came with the Aga Khan from Iran and had been also in Jerruk. It is also learnt that some Ismailis in Bhuj, Kutchh had decided to go to East Africa to accelerate their economy. They had to sail from the port of Mandavi for Zanzibar, but changed their program. They first came in Jerruk via Ramki Bazar to see the Imam, and then they proceeded to Karachi and sailed for Zanzibar.
Subazi’ Aliov, an Uzbek Ismaili leader, who confronted Commander Hosh Muhammad in Hyderabad, passed rest of his life in Mulla Katiar, where he died. He was however buried inside the shrine of Pir Tajuddin.
It has been added to our latest information that Count Subazi’ali (ov), an Uzbek Ismaili leader from Central Asia had also joined the forces of the Aga Khan in 1842. He is said to have confronted the Talpur commander Hosh Muhammad in Hyderabad. He led the Ismaili cavalry in the battle of Miani on February 17, 1843. He also joined the Imam in Jerruk and fought valiantly. He passed rest of his life in Mulla Katiar, where he died. He was however buried inside the shrine of Pir Tajuddin.
Returning the thread of our narrative, it is seen that different accounts are afforded both in oral and written traditions about the figure of the Ismailis who lost their lives in Jerruk. Boileau had received an intelligence and wrote in March 28, 1843 that the Baluchis plundered all the villages between Thatta and Jerruk and that all but 5 to 6 of the Aga Khan’s men were killed. Captain A. Thomas reports on April 8, 1843 that 25 of Aga Khan’s men had survived whom Napier employed at the fort of Hyderabad. It implies that 175 were killed out of 200 soldiers. William Napier writes in “Conquest of Sind” (London, 1845, p. 369) that the Baluchis attacked the Aga Khan’s men in Jerruk and killed 179 of them. A.J. Chunara in his “Nurun Mubin” (Bombay, 1936, pp. 643, 660) gives the figure of 70 casualties in Jerruk. Sherali Alidina, in his book, “Tarikh-i Imamate” (Karachi, 1952, pp. 150, 331-333) writes on the authority of his parents, who related to him that their parents took part in the action and that the number of killed was 72.
We have referred to above that the Imam had given the status of the martyr (shahid) of Karbala to those who sacrificed their lives in Jerruk. It seems to have led the followers to cultivate an idea that 72 persons should have been killed in the encounter, since 72 persons had been killed at Karbala with Imam Hussain, the son of Hazrat Ali bin Abu Talib. Thus, the Ismailis tinged the figure with the incident and the theory of 70 or 72 martyrs, a bombastic figure had been fabricated in the oral traditions. Later on, it also reflected in the published sources after a hundred years. The question “How many persons had been actually killed in Jerruk?” remains yet unanswered.
37 Ismailis and 6 Persian soldiers of the Imam were killed and 150 persons were injured in Jerruk
On November 27, 1843, the Aga Khan wrote a letter to Sir Charles Napier (vide E.S.L.I., or the Enclosures to Secret Letters from India, 95, No. 10, No. 5 of January 20, 1844), in which he mentioned, “In Sind I have done good service. I lost nearly 150 men; I was also plundered of a large amount of property.”
The scrutiny of the accessible records throw a flood of light that the Aga Khan was provided an unconfirmed report of 150 casualties. Later on, it was investigated that 150 in the given report actually represented the figure of the wounded, and not dead. The final figure was 43, comprised of 37 followers and 6 Persian soldiers and 150 were wounded. These figures had been quoted in a letter of March 22, 1848 to Lord Delhousie, the Governor General, the Aga Khan wrote from Calcutta that, “When I had only 20 Sowars with me at Jerruck and the rest of my followers were detached in parties of about 15 to 20 men at each stage between Kurrachee and Hyderabad, I was suddenly attacked by the Baluchis, six Persians and thirty seven of my disciples were killed and nearly one hundred and fifty wounded. Four of the troopers stationed at Naggar Thatta were killed and the rest dispersed, no loss was sustained by the other detachments, some of whom were at Kurrachee under Captain Preedy and the remainder employed on duty at Meerpoor.” (Vide “Board’s Collections” III & No. 3 of 77 of September 27, 1848) This should be a conclusive figure till further discovery that 37 Ismailis and 6 Persian soldiers of the Imam were killed and 150 persons were injured in Jerruk. Among them, twenty had become the victims of the arrow-shooting, ten were killed at the outskirts of the town and seven servants of the Imam were put to death inside the town. It also infers from “Athar-i Muhammadi” that 37 Ismailis had been killed.
Aga Khan with his 30 followers had joined Napier once again in the battle of Dubba. After the battle, Napier had again posted him for a short time near Gharo to secure the communication with Karachi.
Soon after his arrival, the Aga Khan built his residency called the Mahallat in Jerruk on the site of 850 square yards. The residence still exists in Jerruk as an old monument of the Ismailis.
It seems likely that the Aga Khan with his 30 followers had joined Napier once again in the battle of Dubba. After the battle, Napier had again posted him for a short time near Gharo to secure the communication with Karachi.
In the meantime, Sir Charles Napier wrote to Sher Muhammad Khan on April 7, 1843 warning him to give back to the Aga Khan the plunder he took from Jerruk. Accordingly, he wrote that, “Chief! if you will give back to Aga Khan the plunder you took from Jerruck, and come in and make your salaam to me, I will pardon, and be your friend, and your jagirs shall be respected.” He also wrote to Ellenborough on April 20, 1843 that he had occupied Jerruk with a company of the 15th Native Infantry, supported by the influence of the Aga Khan.
Before departure of the Aga Khan from Jerruk, Captain Preedy posted Munshi Lalchand of Thatta in Jerruk as a mukhtiyarkar, i.e., the local magistrate.
Soon afterwards, the Imam came in Karachi after getting what had been plundered by Sher Muhammad Khan. There had been three roads from Jerruk to Karachi. The first via Soonda, Thatta and Gharo (96 miles), the second via Khoodie, Halleji and Gharo (89 miles and 2 furlongs) and the third via Khoodie, Jim and Run Pitteani (84 miles and 1 furlong). The British army followed the first of these routes and it is probable that the Imam had travelled on that route and reached Karachi after six days on September, 1844 when the population of the town was about 8000 including 200 Ismailis.
Jerruk had been announced as the headquarters (darkhana) on March 21, 1843. It enjoyed the esteem status for about 21 months till Bombay had been declared the next headquarters on December 16, 1845.
He left Karachi on October 7, 1844 and proceeded to Kutchh by sea, which was his first marine trip. He travelled through Kathiawar and reached Bombay on December 16, 1845, and declared Bombay as his headquarters (darkhana).
During the visit to Jerruk on October 3, 1999, the author found that there were only three Ismailis in the town, viz. Dr. Nizar, Abdul Hussain and Amir Ali. The prayer-hall (jamatkhana) had been closed in the period of Mukhi Nazarali Datoo and Kamadia Akbarali Ghulam Hussain in 1990, when there were only four houses of the Ismailis.
It is worthwhile to ponder at a focal point that Jerruk had been announced as the headquarters (darkhana) on March 21, 1843. It enjoyed the esteem status for about 21 months till Bombay had been declared the next headquarters on December 16, 1845. When the Imam left Jerruk, it seems that Jerruk was virtually no more headquarters. There are however certain reasons to transfer the headquarters from Jerruk to Bombay, which are discussed briefly as under:-
It is much nearer to reasonable possibility to assert that the longer duration of the headquarters in Jerruk would have prompted the local Ismailis to wreak their revenge on their enemies, which had remedied nothing. It is also probable that the enemies had raided several times in presence of the Imam in his headquarters. Thus, the transfer of headquarters seems a wise decision.
The Imam had migrated from Iran to India to guide his followers, who were down trodden in economic and social fields. He was to enhance the welfare of his followers. He had to breathe a new life into the dead class of the Indian followers and bring them within the fold of the new educated community. He did not like to involve or engage in a trifling occurrence of Jerruk. He therefore, shifted his headquarters at Bombay, which proved far better nerve-center for many years.
The Ismailis in Makran coast in Baluchistan State lived in the rocky regions, having fighting spirit. Jerruk was more near for them than Bombay. To this we must add the likelihood that some of them had taken revenge from the raiding tribes, who also belonged to Makran coast. Had the shifting not taken place, it is possible that the Makran coast had inherited the enmity of Jerruk. In other words, the hostility had spread from Sind to Baluchistan.
In the cultural tendency of the Indian Ismailis, the reverence to the shrines in most places was in vogue. In the locality of Jerruk, the veneration of Sayed Fateh Ali Shamsi would have also paved favourable field to the intense veneration of the martyrs of Jerruk had it exercised the status of the headquarters for a long period.
The more the people had visited Jerruk, the more clouds of traditions would have been thickened, tinged with folklore and legend. The followers in other regions had received its fragments and incorporated in their own traditions, resulting the historical facts shrouded, and it would have become difficult to brush them aside. In other words, the historicity of the incident would have been blanketed mistily in florid and bombastic style absolutely bereft of historical value. The event was yet in the cradle in its embryonic stage and before it took its root, the Imam had taken a timely decision to remove his headquarters.
It is possible that the writers and poets among the visiting class might have heard the bits and shreds of the tragedy from the local people and had endorsed the valour of the martyrs in the language of exaggerated admiration and that have become a source to excite the followers in other parts of India. The Imam did not like it, therefore, he changed his headquarters.
Let it be clearly understood the concluding and crowning point according to the landmark principle of Ismailism that once the Imam gazette a person as a Shahid, who sacrificed his life for the cause of religion, the question of vengeance does not arise at all, and none is allowed to seethe for revenge. The transference of the headquarters itself indicates that the Ismailis are a tight knit and peaceful community under the guidance of the Imam in every age. (Concludes)
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Courtesy: Ismaili Net
