Larkano, Sindh

During a visit to Mohen Jo-daro, Larkano on Wednesday January 4, World Bank Group President Ajay Banga, along with Chief Minister Sindh Syed Murad Ali Shah, visited women-led enterprises and craft stalls supported under the People’s Poverty Reduction Program (PPRP), funded by the Government of Sindh and implemented by the Sindh Rural Support Organization (SRSO).

The WB President visited all stalls, interacted with women entrepreneurs and artisans, and received firsthand information about their enterprises and initiatives. CEO SRSO Muhamad Dittal Kalhoro welcomed the dignitaries, facilitated their visit to the stalls, and provided an overview of the PPRP interventions with help of displayed wall of success and outreach map.

He briefed that under the PPRP, more than 1.4 million poor households have been organized & graduated out of poverty across 15 districts of Sindh through PKR 6.14 billion in interest-free enterprise loans and PKR 947 million in grants, along with support in vocational skills development, low-cost housing, kitchen gardening, and physical infrastructure development etc.

On the occasion, women entrepreneurs and artisans showcased their work, including Handmade crafts, live demonstrations of handloom weaving, traditional charpai making, khees weaving, and khadi-based fabric production, traditional relli quilts and other indigenous crafts, soap production and other small-scale enterprises. And organic papaya farming. They shared details of their craft enterprises and highlighted the positive impact on their lives and livelihoods.

President Ajay Banga and wife showed keen interest in the enterprises, appreciated the quality and creativity of women’s crafts, and recommended scaling up and replicating such initiatives in other areas to further promote women’s economic empowerment.

Provincial Minister for Planning & Development, Provincial Minister for Culture, and other senior government officials were also present on the occasion. (Press Release)

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Read: Role of Women in Rural Sindh

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• The rally also opposed the amendments to the IRSA Act, corporate farming, and voiced concern on lawlessness in Sindh

From Correspondent

Sukkur, Sindh
A massive rally was organized by Sindhiyani Tehreek and Awami Tehreek in Sukkur on Sunday December22, 2024 to protest against the construction of six new canals from the Indus River in Punjab, amendments to the IRSA Act, corporate farming, and the lawlessness caused by bandit rule.
The rally commenced from the Sukkur Hockey Ground and culminated at Ghanta Ghar Chowk, where a public gathering was held. A large number of women, men, children, youth, writers, poets, and socio-political leaders participated.

The rally was led by Advocate Vasand Thari, Central President of Awami Tehreek; Noor Ahmed Katiyar, Senior Vice President; Advocate Sajid Hussain Mahesar, Central General Secretary; Umrah Samoon, President of Sindhyani Tehreek; Farooq Tariq, General Secretary of the Pakistan Kisan Rabita Committee; Comrade Ghulam Mustafa Chandio, President of Sindhi Hari Tehreek; Advocate Konj Lashari, President of SGST; Dr. Ayesha Dharejo, Chairperson of Sindh Sahai Sath; Irshad Peerzado, General Secretary of Sindhi Adabi Sangat Sukkur Branch; Mujeeb Nawaz; Lala Jarwar, Central Coordinator of Awami Tehreek; Advocate Sachal Bhatti; Sarwan Jatoi; Dr. Marvi Sindhu; Shamshad Bipar; Maah Noor Mallah; Rehana Baloch; Azmat Halepoto; Advocate Kausar Phulpoto; Naveed Abbas, and many other leaders.
The leaders of the rally collectively rejected the recently proposed bill, demanding that the federal government immediately halt the auctioning of Sindh’s resources. They emphasized that these resources belong to the Sindhi nation, not the federation, and called for the bill’s immediate withdrawal.
They strongly criticized the Pakistan Peoples Party’s Sindh government, accusing it of fostering a kidnapping industry and tribal jirgas that have turned northern Sindh into a “bandit state.” In the Northern districts, they highlighted the growing lawlessness, where peaceful citizens and minorities are taken hostage by bandits protected by the ruling elite. Drug traffickers, under the supervision of district officials and influential political groups, openly conduct their operations, worsening the plight of the people.
The speakers highlighted the dire situation in northern Sindh, where an alliance between tribal chiefs, the Sindh government, and the establishment has made life unbearable for the common people. They demanded strict legal actions against tribal chiefs, security agencies, and others facilitating bandits. The leaders urged the Supreme Court to form a judicial commission to investigate the smuggling of NATO-grade modern weapons to bandits, ensuring the culprits are punished and peace is restored.
Sindhiyani Tahreek leaders called for the immediate release of all hostages, including Priya Kumari, and demanded strict action against bandits and their patronizing tribal chiefs. They also urged the arrest of those responsible for the murders of journalists Jan Muhammad Mahar and Nasrullah Gadaani.

The rally condemned the misuse of the PECA Ordinance to file false cases against journalists and demanded an end to such practices. Addressing extremism, the speakers demanded that the government stop empowering extremist forces and uphold Pakistan’s constitution based on the secular and democratic values envisioned by Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. They called for cases under the Anti-Terrorism Act against individuals spreading extremism and hatred.

The rally also focused on the plight of women in Sindh, highlighting widespread atrocities such as honor killings, child marriages, forced marriages, harassment, blackmailing, cyberbullying, and violence. They criticized the Sindh government and police for shielding criminals and demanded strict enforcement of laws to protect women. They proposed forming committees at the Union Council level with representation from local women and reactivating Women Protection Cells and Anti-Harassment Cells with honest officials at the helm.

The speakers accused the Sindh Public Service Commission, educational boards, and testing bodies of corruption under the PPP government, stating that grades and jobs are being sold, depriving poor students of their rights and destroying merit. They demanded legal action against those involved in such practices, which block the future of Sindh’s youth.

The rally rejected the digital census results, accusing the federal government of deliberately undercounting Sindhis. They demanded a fair census using transparent digital methods and the removal of illegal immigrants from Sindh. Additionally, they called for legal action under Article 6 of the Constitution against NADRA officials issuing identity cards to illegal immigrants in exchange for bribes.
The participants expressed deep concern over the destruction and encroachment of Sindh’s cultural and historical heritage sites, such as Karoonjhar, Gorakh, Kirthar, Aror, Bukkur Fort, Ganjo Takar, Keenjhar, Manchar, Haleji, Mohenjo-daro, Bhambore, and Momal Ji Mari. They demanded immediate action to remove these encroachments and protect Sindh’s cultural identity.
Furthermore, the leaders raised an urgent issue regarding Sindh’s water crisis. They condemned the construction of canals in Sindh, describing it as an attack on the very existence of the region. They pointed out that despite years of severe water scarcity, these canals are exacerbating the problem. The drying up of the Indus River is leading to the genocide of Sindhi people, and they made it clear that Sindh will never accept new canals. The leaders also criticized the “Green Pakistan” initiative, alleging it is a cover to turn Sindh into a desert while transforming Punjab into fertile land. They warned that ignoring Sindh’s protests and pushing it to the wall will have dangerous consequences.

Read: Anti-Sindh Federal Projects: Sindh Rises Against Injustice

The rally pointed out that Zardari’s attempt to take control of the river for political gain, particularly to secure the presidential chair, was a betrayal of the people and the land of Sindh. They criticized the Pir of Pagaro’s directive to remain silent on the issue, accusing him of abandoning the cause of Sindh. They called for accountability for Punjab’s water usage over the past century and a half, demanding that PPP leaders stop deceiving the people of Sindh. The leaders also expressed concern over the Sindh Chief Minister’s support for strategic canals, accusing him of siding with policies that harm Sindh. They called on PPP to separate from the federal government if it is truly committed to the welfare of Sindh.

Read: Save Indus, Save Sindh: Govt. Must Revoke Illegal Canal Construction Plan

Finally, the speakers vehemently opposed the 26th constitutional amendment, which they claimed grants undue powers to the SIFC to seize Sindh’s lands, water resources, and minerals. They condemned interference in judicial appointments and the erosion of the Supreme Court’s independence, which deprives citizens of justice. The rally demanded the immediate repeal of the amendment and the restoration of fundamental constitutional and human rights.
The powerful slogans during rally, awakened the city of Sukkur and created a beautiful rhythm by Sindhiyani Tahreek workers.

Issues Highlighted

Illegal Amendments to IRSA Act: The unconstitutional modification of the IRSA Act and the illegal construction of six new canals for Cholistan have deprived Sindh of its rightful share of the Indus River.
Corporate Farming Projects: The government, under the guise of Green Pakistan initiatives, has sold over 13 million acres of Sindh’s land to foreign corporations. This includes allocating 52,000 acres of land to military-linked companies in the first phase, forcing the displacement of villagers in areas such as Ahmed Rajo UC to make way for these projects.
Bandit Rule and Lawlessness: Northern Sindh is plagued by lawlessness, with bandits operating freely under the patronage of influential figures. Modern NATO weapons are being smuggled to these groups, creating a parallel state.
Exploitation of Indus River: Since the establishment of Pakistan, Punjab’s government has diverted Sindh’s water through numerous canals and dams, violating international laws. This has resulted in droughts, salinity, and barren lands across Sindh.
Atrocities against Women: Practices like honor killings, forced marriages, and handing over girls as compensation for tribal killings under tribal decision.

Demands
• An independent investigation by credible global organizations into the theft of Sindh’s water over the past 150 years.
• Immediate withdrawal of the decision to construct six new canals under the guise of the Green Pakistan initiative.
• Reclamation of displaced villagers’ lands and cancellation of agreements with foreign corporations.
The participants of rally included writers, intellectuals, lawyers, artists, students, and activists who demanded justice for Sindh, restoration of its water rights, and an end to oppressive policies against women and marginalized communities.
The rally culminated with the passing of resolutions against IRSA amendments, land theft under corporate farming, and ongoing injustices faced by Sindh’s people, urging immediate remedial actions from the government.

Read: Australian Envoy calls for protecting the Indus Delta

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Read: How to Bring the Indus Delta Back to Life – Give it Water

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Sindh Courier

Vadodara, Gujarat, India

The ladies of Sindhi community of Vadodara (Baroda) city of Gujarat state also celebrated Sindhi Language Day on Monday April 10, 2023 to commemorate the day when Sindhi language was added to 8^th Schedule of Indian Constitution on April 10, 1967.

In this regard, the kitty party group of Sindhi ladies organized a gathering at Pancham Elite where they danced on Sindhi songs and enjoyed Sindhi cuisine.

The cultural dance program was followed by lunch with Kadhi-Chawal, Roti-Sabzi and sweets etc.

The Sindhi Kitty Party Group of ladies is very active in organizing cultural programs for Sindhi women. They also celebrate Cheti Chand, Birthday of Guru Nanak and such other festivals with great enthusiasm.

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By Nasir Aijaz

The first half of the 20^th century proved to be an era of turning point for Sindhi society, or can well be described as ‘an era of social and political awakening’ when the women of Sindh had accepted the challenges and started actively taking part in various movements – the independence movement, social reforms movements, promotion of female education, and the movement for the equal rights of the women. Their awakening can be judged from the fact that Sindhi women were well-connected with world organizations of women and the prominent female figures striving for the gender equality and rights in their respective countries. Hosting the 18^th session of All India Women Conference (December 28, 1945 to January 1, 1946) in Hyderabad, attended by over 500 delegates from across the India besides prominent women activists from Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Ceylon, UK and Australia, testify the height of social and political awakening among Sindhi women.

However, here I would confine myself to an instance of social awakening among Sindhi women, neglected so far – and that is establishing ladies’ clubs for uniting the women at social platforms.

It was in fact a ‘Dark Era’ of the ‘Civilized World’ when women were not allowed to become the members of clubs established by British men across the India. Even the women membership was prohibited at historic Sindh Club, established on 25th May, 1871 in Karachi under the chairmanship of Sir William Merewether, for catering to British Army officers, professionals and other Europeans.

Similarly, three clubs established earlier and described as ‘the aristocracy of the clubs of India’ – the Bengal, Madras and the Bombay in 1827, 1831 and 1833 respectively, did not allow women to enter in the bar at all. They had to remain in the ladies’ annexe known as the moorghikhana (hen run), except on Armistice Day in 1918 when they were kidnapped from the annexe and made to serve celebratory drinks.

The Madras Club’s refusal to admit women prompted the founding in 1890 of an almost equally beautiful club – the Adyar, with an octagonal cupola and riverine gardens, which people were encouraged to join ‘to escape the austerities of the Madras Club’. The Adyar Club gave membership to women. Originally started as a Europeans-only club, the Adyar Club started admitting Indians as members in 1960, later it was merged in 1963 with “Madras Club”.

In such a scenario, Sindhi women took initiative and established two Ladies Clubs – one in Hyderabad and the other in Larkana, the cities of Sindh where nobody could even imagine having the clubs exclusively for women in those days. Both the Ladies’ Clubs however have a long chequered history.

The historic building of Ladies’ Club in Hyderabad is situated just besides City Gate Hotel, in Hirabad area in the neighborhood of Amil Colony. The idea of establishing Ladies Club was conceived way back in 1929. The plot for the club was acquired in 1932. But it took six years to lay the foundation stone. In 1938, Collector U.M. Mirchandi laid the foundation stone for the club, but construction did not begin until 1940. The delay was due to raising adequate funds for construction and some of the funding came in the form of donations.

The Nari Sabha club was built in memory of a Hindu lady named Chatur Bai Advani. The lion’s share of the cost incurred on the construction of the building was borne by Chatur Bai’s son. The plot, furniture and fixtures were acquired through donations received and collected up to 1940. In all, 153 members were enrolled and the club became functional on its present premises in 1941.

Leelawati Harchandani alias Dadi Leela (Born on 20 December 1916), a highly respected educationist, was the last living founding members of this historical monument till her demise on September 14, 2017.

The Ladies Club, a single-story building displaying the architectural features of the pre-partition era, contained a hall, a stage and two rooms, with a small ground in front of the building. A long corridor led to another stage.

After the partition, the Ladies Club became defunct. For the past several years, Khursheed Memon, an educationist and social activist, has been running a school in the building but the future of this building is in peril just like the heritage of the building as the builder mafia has fixed eyes on it for taking control of the building to demolish it and raise a multi-story building.

The Gomibai Jawaharmal Ladies Club in Larkana too has almost similar story, but despite ups and downs, it still exists and is functional.

The significant feature of Larkana’s 89-year old heritage is that it had hosted some famous guests in its time. It regularly played the role of host to various cultural activities organized by Hindus, Christians and Muslim women before Partition.

This club has been focal point of ladies having educated background and social nature as this was a beautifully built building with vast area having lush green lawns, terraces and jogging paths which served as venue for their gatherings where they can easily do exercise, walk, and jog along with discussions about their social, personal, political affairs.

Initially, it was customary to appoint the wife of Larkana’s Deputy Collector/Deputy Commissioner as the chairperson of the club but, later, the members decided to become more democratic. They started holding elections after every two years to elect office bearers and governing body members.

There two different versions of the history of this club. Some people say that the club was built by a Hindu Sindhi Deputy Collector, who named it after his sister Gomi Bai. On January 3, 1934, the club was inaugurated by R.E. Gibson, the wife of a senior British bureaucrat. The club reportedly then had around 107 members and ran without any financial support from the government.

As per other version, narrated by Javed Shah Jilani, a local journalist, the land measuring 15000 sq. ft. was donated by Smt. Gomi Bai, wife of Jawaharmal, a philanthropist, who herself got the club building built.

Gomi Bai Jawaharmal Ladies Club, as is inscribed on its plaque fixed over the gate, is located at railway phhattak (gate) road adjacent to historic Tajjar Bagh (Renamed as Jinnah Garden after the partition 1947). By the passage of time, the club fell victim to the human hands and underwent many ups and downs including the encroachments by the local people.

This area, when selected for construction of this club, must be attractive for its healthy atmosphere, but unfortunately, it turned a very congested with passage of time, and growth in population, construction of buildings, shops and other trading offices and restaurants, making its surrounding area one of the congested part of the city.

The Ladies Club, which hosted the Lady Mountbatten (1941), Begum Raana Liaquat Ali Khan, the wife of first Prime Minister of Pakistan, wives of Sindh’s first chief minister and other bureaucrats, remained inactive during the military regime of Gen. Zia from 1977. However, at later stage, it resumed activities. Former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto had planned to develop this club and got a project prepared but couldn’t materialize as unfortunately her government was dismissed. However, when the local government system was restored by Gen. Musharraf, the District Government of Larkana, headed by Khursheed Junejo, spent one million rupees on development of the club. His sister Dr. Fakhru-Nisa Junejo had become active in those days who formed a committee to run the club.

In the meantime however the Gomi Bai Club lost some portion of its land to the land mafia. The historic club was saved from further encroachment when the citizens challenged the land mafia in Supreme Court, but failed to vacate the occupied parts where some shops were built.

In 2004, the government had decided to sell the club and the plot to a builder, but later abandoned the idea when members of the club formed a citizens’ action forum and launched a campaign against the decision.

In 2015, media had reported that the club had lost three acres of its land to a hotel set up by a local mafia. The court had sought the records of the case and issued notices to multiple institutions, including the revenue board, directing that all illegal buildings be torn down but no action could be taken. Few years back, the then Club President Dr. Sabiha Mughal was quoted by media as saying that ‘two of our shops have been occupied and the land mafia has become active once again to grab this precious plot and historical building’.

The Gomi Bai Jawaharmal Ladies Club elections are held every two year. Currently Ms. Fareeda Pechuho is the President of the club and Ms. Sakina Gaad is the Secretary besides a managing committee to run the club, which has over one hundred members who regularly visit the club and organize various social activities.

“We have maintained the historic structure of club built in 1934 in its original form besides building a well-equipped modern gym for our members. The club has also formed a Legal Council with prominent lawyers and legislators to protect its interests,” Ms. Sakina Gaad told on phone.

“We also organize social gatherings and other programs on special days including Dewali, Pakistan Day, Women’s Day etc. and became very active in carrying out relief activities during last year’s torrential rains to help the affected people,” she said.

Ms. Sakina Gaad told that Gomi Bai Club has planned a grand function on March 1, 2023 in connection with International Women’s Day falling on March 8. “The theme of our program is ‘the role of women during the recent monsoon rains,” she said adding that on this occasion students of various girls’ schools and colleges of Larkana will participate in debate competitions besides Meena Bazaar will be organized for the women.

“We also have planned to honor the women members with Life Achievement Awards who had devoted their life to this club. Awards will also be conferred among the medics and paramedics who played important role in organizing medical camps for the flood-affected people,” Ms. Gaad said.

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Nasir Aijaz is a Karachi-based senior journalist and author of nine books on literature, languages and history. He can be accessed at nasir.akhund1954@gmail.com  

The post Chequered History of 2 Ladies’ Clubs of Sindh first appeared on Sindh Courier.

CHANDNI DOULATRAMANI

A few years ago, when I was getting dressed to meet my friends for coffee, I decided to put on a black bindi to go with my black Ramones halter-top, white ankle-length pajamas, and black sliders. I had just got my hair trimmed, and the hairdresser had cut my bangs a tad too short so as to reveal a portion of my forehead. And I did not like my forehead bare.

As I was about to step out the door, my mother frowned and asked me to remove the bindi. I took it off, and as soon as I was out of the house, I put it back on – to me it was a delineation of post-liberalization Indo-Western fashion and therefore ‘cool’, even if she seemed put off by it.

In the 1990s, white celebrities like Gwen Stefani and Madonna were often spotted wearing bindis in music videos and live concerts. Many in the MTV generation viewed this symbol of Hindu womanhood as a flat representation of “Indian culture”. Ironically, though, the bindi itself is a gendered marker, sometimes with different bindis for married and unmarried women. Soon, Westerners assumed that the bindi was, homogeneously, a part of all Indian or Hindu traditions. But for me, even though I was born in India into a Hindu family, the bindi was unfamiliar, as I had never seen any women in my family wear one.

For her, a midnight’s child, my embracing the bindi would have meant to unequivocally denounce my Sindhiness and would perhaps, in some way, have been a sad coda to a rich cultural inheritance.

The reason my mother frowned at my bindi was because Sindhi Hindu women – married or unmarried – did not traditionally wear bindis. She viewed the bindi on my forehead as a performative act of conformity, and therefore insisted I remove it. She has never worn one and neither had her mother. On the other hand, because the bindi is not part of our community’s tradition, I had eroticized it, much like the white girls who saw it as a symbol of fashionable pop culture.

Asserting authenticity

In Indian politics, late Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader in the Lok Sabha Sushma Swaraj was almost always seen wearing a large maroon dot in the center of her forehead, “an assertion of the joint discourses of Hinduism and tradition”, writes academic Mary Grace Antony in her paper ‘On the Spot: Seeking Acceptance and Expressing Resistance through the Bindi’. “For female BJP politicians,” she writes, “the bindi is an integral component of their overall physical appearance, communicating adherence to party ideals and discursive associations of the “good” Hindu woman.” Interim president of the Indian National Congress Sonia Gandhi, on the other hand, dons the bindi to distance herself from her status as a ‘foreigner’ in order to be accepted by the Indian masses.

The reason my mother frowned at my bindi was because Sindhi Hindu women – married or unmarried – did not traditionally wear bindis. She viewed the bindi on my forehead as a performative act of conformity, and therefore insisted I remove it.

After Partition, the states of Punjab and Bengal were each divided into two – one half went to Pakistan, the other to India. However, the state of Sindh with its substantial Hindu population was, in its entirety, handed over to Pakistan. During Partition, when Muslims and Hindus from Punjab and Bengal migrated to the other side on the basis of their religion, many still remained in their own state, albeit suddenly in a different nation. But Hindus from Sindh had no state of their own to migrate to and so they scattered all over central and western India, and in the process, their culture, language, and traditions were gradually eroded.

The bindi was never a cultural or religious part of Sindhi identity. Sindhi women in pre-Partition India did not wear them. The traditional Sindhi outfit for women was the suthan-cholo, or loose pants with a short tunic, paros, similar to ghagras, and rawos, similar to dupattas but much bigger. The suthan-cholo, in particular, reminded many Hindus in India of Islamic attire.

Cloaking Sindhi identity

In Gujarat, where many Sindhis settled after Partition, the bindi was the marked differentiator between Hindu and Muslim women, writes author Nandita Bhavnani in her book ‘The Making of Exile: Sindhi Hindus and the Partition of India. She further notes that Sindhi Hindu women started wearing the bindi, “so that they would not be mistaken for Muslims”, citing Suchitra Balasubrahmanyan’s ‘Partition and Gujarat’.

Besides, Sindhi Hindus in Sindh practiced a less Sanskritised form of Hinduism, because religiosity in Sindh was heavily influenced by syncretic traditions of Islam, Sikhism, and Sufism: Islam because Sindh had been reigned by various Muslim rulers for eleven continuous centuries; Sikhism because neighboring Punjab worshipped Guru Nanak and his teachings had crossed over to Sindh; and Sufism because Sindh is the land of Sufis revered by both Muslims and Hindus alike. In fact, Bhavnani notes that in pre-Partition Sindh, Hinduism itself “was strongly influenced by Sufism and the teachings of Guru Nanak.” Therefore, the bindi, a mark of Hindu womanhood, never found its way to Sindhi women in pre-Partition Sindh. After Partition, when Sindhis tried to resettle in different states of India, they were shunned at times and labelled as ‘cowards’ and even invaders. Sindh had not undergone as much physical violence during Partition as Punjab had, and therefore their move was seen as unnecessary even though their migration was forced. In fact, Sindhi refugees were even encouraged to move back to the territories now under Pakistan.

Once they began to settle in different parts in India and restarted their lives, many were severely marginalised. The contemporary Sindhi language, for instance, mostly uses a script written from right to left in Perso-Arabic, derived from the Nastaliq script, which is visually very similar to Urdu. Sindhis have also typically been meat-eaters. All this, in addition to the absence of bindis and saris in the larger Sindhi culture, gave Sindhis a ‘quasi-Muslim’ image. “Non-vegetarianism in particular was much despised and perceived as ‘dirty’. Sindhi Hindus who settled in Gujarat after Partition recall that they were not able to rent apartments or, as children, other children would not play with them for this reason,” writes Bhavnani in her essay ‘Unwanted Refugees: Sindhi Hindus in India and Muhajirs in Sind.’

Losing cultural continuity

In ‘Challenging Definitions: Human Agency, Diverse Religious Practices and the Problems of Boundaries’, professor of religious studies Steven W Ramey considers such treatment of Sindhis a “painful irony”, especially because other Hindus in India questioned the authenticity of the Sindhi Hindu identity, even though that identity was the basis for their migration. Sindhi Hindus also faced resentment, hostility, and jealousy from local communities who believed they were losing their business and trade to the immigrant community as they tried to rehabilitate themselves in a new, unfamiliar country. “At the individual level,” academic Subhadra Anand writes in a case study of Sindhis in post-Partition India,“stress was caused by the anxiety of earning a livelihood” and “at the community level, it was caused by the fear of losing cultural continuity”.

On the other hand, because the bindi is not part of our community’s tradition, I had eroticized it, much like the white girls who saw it as a symbol of fashionable pop culture.

All these factors led Sindhis in post-Partition India “to dilute or cloak their Sindhi identity (with its Muslim and rustic features and overtones) by trying to assimilate into local societies and by learning the regional language and customs”, writes Bhavnani in her book. Some even turned to more conservative forms of Hinduism in order to prove their Hinduness. She further notes in her paper that Sindhi Hindus turned “towards the Hindu Right in terms of embracing a more Sanskritised form of Hinduism as well as a strong belief in India as a ‘Hindu state’.”

Sindhi Hindu women, who started wearing bindis in independent India, much like Sonia Gandhi, appropriated traditions that were not their own, even though they very much identified as Hindu, in an effort to ‘fit in’ with coreligionists, and therefore, in the process, shed their own traditions. Many became vegetarians to prove their authenticity as a Hindu. Other members of the community started celebrating festivals they had no familiarity with – Durga Puja in Bengal, Navratri in Gujarat, and Ganesh Chaturthi in Maharashtra.

Sindhi Hindus also faced resentment, hostility, and jealousy from local communities who believed they were losing their business and trade to the immigrant community as they tried to rehabilitate themselves in a new, unfamiliar country.

Some, like my mother, never took to the sari or the bindi. She always preferred the salwar kameez, and in the last two decades has taken to loose pants and comfortable shirts. So, when she saw me wearing a bindi, she understandably could not find it in herself to acquiesce to my desire to wear one. For her, a midnight’s child, my embracing the bindi would have meant to unequivocally denounce my Sindhiness and would perhaps, in some way, have been a sad coda to a rich cultural inheritance.

Still, every now and then, I do wear a bindi, but I have not quite embraced it. Perhaps I never will.

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Chandni Doulatramani is an independent journalist based in India. She writes on and at the intersections of culture, gender, politics, and technology.

Courtesy: Himal South Asian (Published on Feb 25, 2021)

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“Thadri” is the festival that brings with itself the pleasure of eating home cooked “Lolas”.  It is celebrated to worship “Sheetla Mata” and hence nothing warm/hot is eaten on that day.

Milind Teckchandani

I am writing this post on a flight to London. A trip to London during August/September every year has become a regular feature in my professional diary for the last few years; it is something that I look forward to for the unique experience it brings with itself.  Things are slightly different this time as I did not realize that our very own Sindhi festivals of “Teejri” and “Thadri” fall in the same week that I am away. Whilst “Teejri” is essentially a ladies festival, I quite like the vibe that it brings about with itself.  “Thadri” on the other hand, is the festival that I look forward to for the sheer culinary pleasures that it brings with itself – the pleasure of eating home cooked “Lolas”.   The only consolation this time being that I am back on the same day when “Meetha Lolas” will be served.

Simply put, Teejri is to Sindhis what Karva Chauth is to Punjabis. The festival is observed by women to pray for the long lives of their husbands. It is customary for women to put mehendi (“Heena”) on their hands a day before the festival and I am generally forced to by my sister to take both of them to the “mehendiwala” who is in great demand on that day and waiting times can often be more than an hour. What else can one do but be patient! (Difficult to win against your sister, isn’t it!)

I have grown up seeing my mother (and other ladies in the family) waking up around four o’clock in the morning next day to have the only meal that she will have till she sees “Chandr” (Moon) in the evening, which usually is “Koki” (Regular readers are no doubt familiar with my love for Koki which I have outlined in previous posts).  There is then Pooja at our Sindhu Samaj in the evening which is bustling with activity. Once the Pooja is over and mummy is back that the task of keeping an eye on the moon begins. Ladies break their fast once they see the moon and you will find people waiting anxiously to see the moon. There is such a pleasure in “gazing at the stars” which we often miss and that occasions like these remind us of.

Thadri on the other hand, as I said is a festival of sheer culinary delight. It is celebrated to worship “Sheetla Mata” and hence nothing warm/hot is eaten on that day. A day before the festivals, “Lolas” (Thick Breads) are cooked which are consumed the next day. I especially like the ones with jaggery in them that one eats with salted butter and Raita. Make no mistake, cooking Lolas is no easy task and it usually takes around 3-4 hours to prepare them. Then my mother does a small Pooja followed by sprinkling of water in the entire home which symbolizes purification of the house.

Both these festivals remind me about our unique cultural heritage and the memories associated with these festivals never fail to bring a smile.

I end with this wonderful half an hour talk show that was recently aired on radio Radio voice of Sindh, UK about the various Hindu (Sindhi) festivals during the auspicious month of “Sawan”. As the program is in “Nij” Sindhi, I too found it slightly difficult to understand each and every word (No one else but me to blame for not learning Sindhi!) but I found it extremely informative.

Jeay Sindhi and Sindhiyat!

Watch the Video: Sindhi Women Singing and Dancing ‘Teejri’ 

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Courtesy: Sindhi Chokro Blogs (Published on August 27, 2018)

The post Teejri and Thadri – The Sindhi Festivals first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Sindh Courier Report

Agra, India

The women from Sindhi community of Agra organized colorful programs here to celebrate with fervor for the first time the festival of Bahrana Sahib on the occasion of Cheti Chand, the Sindhi New Year, which falls on April 2.

The programs were held at Jaipur House in Jhulelal Bhawan under the auspices of Royal Sindhi Ladies Club. The club had been organizing Sindhi cultural programs but this was the first time that festival of Bahrana Sahib was held in Agra, a historic city on the banks of Yamuna River in Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.

The celebration kicked off with lighting the sacred flame in front of the statue of Saint Jhulelal by Mrs. Sangeeta Khushhalani, the President, Janvi Bajaj, Secretary, Hema Khubchandani, Treasurer, and Deepa Lalwani, of the Royal Sindhi Ladies Club.

Sindhi women had entered at the venue raising the slogans of ‘Jeay Jhulelal’ (Long Live Jhulelal) and beating the drums. During the event, they did pooja of Saint Jhulelal, and also danced on the Sindhi Bhajans sung by Gurumukhdas and Deepak. Ms. Jeoti Khushhalani distributed sweet rice and other things as parsad. The club members had also arranged Jhoolan Bhandara.

Later, all the members of club collectively put the sacred flame in artificial Yamuna River made at the temple.

Sindhi women and children actively participated in all the events of festival. Ms. Lalita Karamchandani, a renowned singer, and Anjali Khushhalani entertained the audience with several popular Sindhi songs making them to dance with Sindhi spirit.

Ms. Padma Kalwani, Jia Makhija, Nito Lakhwani, Kashish Nenani, Manish Kaliani, Vinita Wadhwani, Jia   Wanvari, Vandana Karamchandani, Versha Dharmani, Sonia Mohani, Kanchan Ahuja, Hemani Shetlani, Svati Manghrani, Mumta Khatar, and others were prominent ladies who participated in all the events of festival

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The post Sindhi women of Agra celebrate Bahrana Sahib Festival first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Saaz Aggarwal

Scroll.in carried something I wrote about women in pre-Partition Sindh, Freedom fighters and ticket checkers: The trail-blazing women of pre-Partition Sindh. I wrote it in response to another scroll article, about Om Mandli, a socio-religious organization which originated in Sindh in 1935.

While discussing the article with some friends, one sentence struck us particularly:  What is remarkable is that, in pre-Partition Hyderabad, where patriarchal norms and misogyny was at its heights, some of its courageous women powerfully resisted the yoke of men and subjugation.

While there were certainly patriarchal norms and misogyny, and these continue to pervade the world, as far as we knew they were not at their heights in pre-Partition Hyderabad. I have interviewed quite a few elderly Sindhis and from what they told me, there were Hindu Sindhi women who owned property, made financial decisions and had certain privileges of empowerment even when they were not contributing to the family economically.

I sat down and wrote some of the stories. Eventually the piece was held back for so long that it didn’t make sense to link it to the Brahmakumaris story and though I worked on rewriting it, I did feel that the rejoinder version was much more effective. So I’m putting down the full version here, with more examples, photographs and details.

One charming snippet of memory from the 1930s has Ruki (daughter of a zamindar, Lokumal Malkani, and wife of Dr Naraindas Mirchandani) driving their children home to Old Clifton from the clinic, singing bhajans to lull them into a pleasant mood. Ruki loved to drive, as did quite a few of her generation; another was Jassie Kundanmal Ramchandani – Jessie to her friends – who drove her own car in Sindh even before she got married.

Jamna, daughter of the illustrious educationist Sahibsing C Shahani, had a license in 1928 and drove for years until – as her son Nelum Gidwani wryly observes – she ran over a chicken somewhere in France and decided she’d had enough of it. When Indroo Sitlani learnt to drive in Bombay after Partition, it was one of his sisters who taught him.

While these were clearly women from well-off families, there were working women too. During the Second World War, sea routes closed and many Sindhworkis, men with trading outposts in ports around the world, were isolated from their families in Sindh. Hassaram Ramchandani and his sons ran stores in Cairo and Basra and could not return. It was his daughters Sati and Ishwari who managed Lucky Store, a front room of their home near Tikunda Park at Gadi Khato in Karachi. Sati was a Balkanjibari (Sindhi kindergarten) teacher and took turns with Ishwari who, as her son Ashok Shahani told me, worked in the Locust Control office on Bunder Road until Partition. There were no toilets, and Ishwari wrote to Indira Gandhi, requesting support in getting toilets built. And that, says Ashok, a Supreme Court lawyer, was how the rolling plan of 1950 came to budget one toilet in each Central Government office.

Quite a few also worked for the Railways in Sindh, checking passengers’ tickets. For a woman to do this doesn’t just mean that she is outgoing and confident. It doesn’t just mean that her family supports – to an extent – her individuality and ambitions. It also means that the men of Sindh could accept authority from a woman. Sundri and her sister Popati, ticket checkers on the Hyderabad-Kotri commuter line, were beauties. There was a line of suitors. But Sundri fell in love with Gobindram Shahani and that was that. Popati married Mohan Mansukhani. After Partition they were able to continue supporting their families with jobs in the Railways. In an era of child marriage across India, both married in their late twenties. This was not at all uncommon in Sindh.

Many have told me that their parents ‘did love marriage’ in Sindh before Partition. Many have spoken of sisters who never married because they were overweight, dark-complexioned or disabled – negative attributes in the marriage market as they continue to be – because their families were unwilling to compromise them with potential grooms who were offered in marriage because they had less-than-appropriate attributes of their own.

Part of the status of Sindhi women is due to the campaign for women’s education, introduced by Navalrai Advani, son of Shoukiram Advani, Mukhi of Hyderabad, who was so deeply influenced by the Brahmo Samaj that he made the one-week train journey to faraway Calcutta to find out more. The first school for girls in the Hyderabad Municipality c1885 was personally funded by him and Sahajrai Chandomal Advani. The progressive families of Sindh took women’s education very seriously. The list of the South Asians who became barristers at three Inns of Court in London before Independence, derived from research conducted by Mitra Sharafi at University of Wisconsin Law School, carries the names of two Sindhi women: Saraswati Dayaram Mirchandani who was called to the Bar in 1937 and Shakuntala Rochiram Hingorani in 1947.

There were also a large number of ‘lady doctors’ (as they were called then) coming out of Sindh, a boon in a time when, despite high mortality in pregnancy and childbirth, families were reluctant to have their women administered by males. One of the earliest was Devi Lakhani, LMCG Edinburgh. Her father was Dr Valiram Lakhani of Hyderabad; all his daughters were well educated and he sent Devi off to study overseas in the 1920s.

Dozens of Sindhi parents sent their daughters to study medicine at Lady Hardinge College, Delhi, and live in the hostel there in the 1930s and 40s. Dr. Hari Mirchandani practiced in Hyderabad and Mirpurkhas, and after Partition started a practice in Delhi’s Karol Bagh, then rented a house and, saving every paisa she could, built a one-storey house for her clinic, eventually building quarters above with a maternity home on the ground floor.

Lila Chablani, who ran a nursing home in Sukkur, stayed on after Partition and took care of her parents as they aged.

Quite a few other women too rose to be prominent citizens and lived independent professional lives in urban and rural Sindh. Most continued to practice in towns and cities across India after Partition; a walk through Bombay streets even today reveals name boards and memories. In the 1950s and 60s, many went to live and work in the UK and US. Two of Dr. Naraindas’s daughters, Mohini (later Gidwani) and Leila (later Advani) studied at Lady Hardinge too and both did their higher medical education in the UK. Before she left for the UK, Leila worked with Partition refuges in the children’s hospital at the Kurukshetra refugee camp in Delhi.

In the early 1950s, the American Medical Association requested the Indian Medical Association to send a few young doctors as interns in their hospitals. Dr. Popati, who had graduated from Lady Hardinge College, was in the first batch interviewed. Her father, Diwan Hashmatrai Mansukhani, gave permission for his young daughter, and subsequently two more daughters, to go to Chicago. It was a time when USA was considered excessively distant and Chicago was known for its high rate of crime. Diwan Hashmatrai faced criticism but his courageous act turned out to be a pioneering one because soon, other Sindhi families who were also victims of Partition and were worried about their children’s higher education realized that in USA it was possible to support yourself by working as you studied.

Dr. Lila Pahlajsingh Advani studied at Lady Hardinge College in the 1940s and after Partition built up her practice with a clinic in Colaba. In 1964 she moved to New York and continued working there as a doctor and living on her own for forty years. Lila was a keen photographer, she had a darkroom and developed her photographs herself. In Bombay, she spent time with her nieces and nephews, helping them with their studies and taking them on drives to Juhu where they made sandcastles on the beach and collected shells to make dolls and other curios. Lila never wasted a moment. She kept her knitting in her clinic so that she would have something to do between patients and was well known for the knitted, crotchet and tatting garments and table linen she made.

Sindhi women didn’t just work, they also fought in the Indian freedom movement. The frail Devi Kripalani (Kamla Hiranand after marriage) led protests and challenged her jailers. During Jethanand Shahani’s six months in jail for his activities in the freedom movement, his wife Kala’s parents and his parents urged her to come and stay with them but she lived alone in her own home and continued to manage their secret press.

One of the most prominent Sindhi woman freedom fighters, and the best known Sindhi woman social worker of her generation, was Jethi Sipahimalani. From a prominent and well-off family of Sindh, she completed four academic years at DJ Sind College as a casual student in English, a special facility created by Principal SC Shahani (father of Jamna Gidwani mentioned above) for girls who had not passed the matriculation examination to study further. In 1929, she was principal of Daya Ashram but quit the following year to join the Indian National Congress, participating in pickets and protests. Jethibai held prominent civic posts and in 1938 served as Deputy Speaker of the Sindh Assembly. After Partition, she worked for the displaced people from Sindh and her most enduring legacy is the Navjivan Society housing colonies she built in Bombay.

When I interviewed Mohini Bhawnani in Kolkata in July 2016, she was 84. Mohini was born into an affluent family, but her father died when she was four and her brother two, a time of great struggle. After Partition, they moved to Kolkata and when their mother died, Mohini supported herself and her brother first by selling her father’s gold medal and then by working as a school teacher while she continued her studies. She gave a competitive examination to enrol as an engineer in the telephone department and was placed fourth among four hundred candidates. In 1957 Mohini married into a wealthy family but continued working and as the years passed, she was promoted to higher positions. One of Mohini’s memories was of her journey across the new border after Partition. Her mother had stayed on in Karachi to try and sell their home, and put her 15-year-old daughter on the SS Barpetta to Bombay in the care of an acquaintance, an Idnani. The first evening on the ship, he  got drunk and began making advances. Mohini escaped and took protection with the ship’s captain. Mohini was keen to share this story, more than a year before #MeToo went viral.

As for the Om Mandli, I do believe that one of its aims was an early version of women’s empowerment. I have tried to uncover awful truths but only found it well-meaning (if slightly peculiar, in a cultish way). This was reinforced when I visited the Brahmakumari headquarters in Mount Abu last year. Whether ghastly relics lie around the corner remains to be seen.

Many of the followers of Dada Lekhraj were women of the Sindhworki community, and as Dr Devendra Kodwani, Dean at Open University, UK reminded me, the widespread travels of the men were likely to have impacted their outlook on life and views on the role of women. These were women certainly oppressed by dowry and family elders – Monica Bhojwani who was born in a prisoner of war camp in France in 1940, told me about a neighbour whose mother-in-law gave her no privacy even in her bedroom; no freedom to even express physical affection for her children. Still, long years of running their homes and families while their menfolk worked in other countries, certainly nurtured capability and decision-making ability.

One of the things retired academic Madhuri Sheth told me is that when she was little, her father, Udharam Gurnani, had friends who were women from Sindhworki families. I found it interesting, and an indicator of a progressive society, that men and women could be friends in the 1940s, simply enjoying each other’s company and conversation.

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Saaz Aggarwal is an independent researcher, writer and artist based in Pune, India. Her body of writing includes biographies, translations, critical reviews and humor columns. Her books are in university libraries around the world, and much of her research contribution in the field of Sindh studies is easily accessible online. Her 2012 Sindh: Stories from a Vanished Homeland is an acknowledged classic. With an MSc from Mumbai University in 1982, Saaz taught undergraduate Mathematics at Ruparel College, Mumbai, for three years. She was appointed features editor at Times of India, Mumbai, in 1989.

Courtesy: The songbird on my shoulder

The post A long-ago place and time where women were treated, unexpectedly, as people first appeared on Sindh Courier.

Amina Sa’id, the Egyptian Women Rights Champion Who Visited Hyderabad Sindh in 1945 and had addressed the 18th Session of All India Women Conference held from Dec 28 1945 to Jan 1, 1946. The All India Women Conference, hosted by Sindhi women, was participated by over 550 women from across India and delegates of Syria, Lebanon, Ceylon, UK and Australia. Several women leaders from across the world including former Soviet Union had sent their messages of solidarity with Indian women.  Madame Charaouie Pasha of Egypt had also sent her message, which read at the conference. Amina Sa’id’s speech at this conference is a historic document, which sheds light on the struggle of Egyptian women for their rights.

About Amina Sa’id

Amina al-Sa’id, the first woman magazine editor in the Middle East, who was born on January 20, 1914 and died of cancer on August 13, 1995 at the age of 81 in Cairo, Egypt, was the last of a generation of feminists who, as suffrage campaigners, political dissidents, trade unionists and human rights campaigners, picked up the torch from their 19th-century forebears.

Born to a middle-class family, Amina lived her childhood in the closed society of Assiut (Asyut) city when Hoda Shaarawy and her colleagues’ struggle for equality was on its climax, she joined the youth wing of the Egyptian Feminist Union at the age of 14. She was among the first women to attend Fuad University (Now Cairo University) in 1931. She earned a degree in English literature in 1935. Saʿīd was opposed to veiling and played tennis in public without a veil. She joined the news magazine Al-Musawar as a columnist.

Amina founded women’s magazine ‘Hawaa’ (Eve) in 1954, first ever in Egypt. She was among the earliest full-time female journalists in the country. From 1958 to 1969 she was secretary general of the Pan-Arab League Women’s Union, a federation of organizations of Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Transjordan. She became editor of Al-Musawar in 1973. From 1976 to 1985 she chaired the magazine’s publishing group. She continued writing until shortly before her death.

She also was Egypt’s representative at a number of international conferences. Among the awards she received were the First Order of the Republic (1975), the Universal Star (1979), and the National Arts Award (1982).

In her writings, Amina tackled larger and more important topics than the beauty tips and cooking recipes that women’s writings used to deal with. Amina Al-Sa’id’s defense of equality between men and women was the fuel for her valuable writings for many years that changed the history of Egypt.

Amina’s courage and daring earned her respect and popularity among her fellow writers and journalists. She was known as “the woman who knows no fear”. She also became the president of Dar Al-Hilal, and boldly led a new campaign for Egyptian women, but this time against the Islamic fundamentalist tide that began in the seventies of the last century. Amina is known to be the first paid woman to work for a mainstream publishing house “Dar al-Hilal” and later headed the Board of the Press Syndicate in 1956.

Speech at All India Women Conference in Hyderabad Sindh

Madam Amina El Sa’id said: It is a great pleasure to me to come on behalf of my association, the Egyptian Union for Women, to attend your Conference, and speak to you on our efforts to help our Egyptian sisters. I will tell you, too, all about our aims and aspirations, our point of view ·in dealing with things, and how far time will possibly fulfil our demands.

But I prefer to begin with a short history of the Egyptian woman, and explain the ups and downs of her career in Egypt, the ups that raised her to glory and greatness sometimes, and the downs that brought her ignorance and social poverty. The attempt of the Egyptian women today to take their proper place in society is not new to the history of our country. They did, in the past, take their full responsibility in public life, they contributed to the building up of Egypt’s greatness in its glorious days, and helped to revive it in its less happy periods.

In Pharaonic times-and that was five thousand years ago–women ascended the throne, occupied the highest positions of priesthood, and took their full share in-the social, religious and political life of our country. When Islamic religion came, the Egyptian woman enjoyed the grea.t, generous rights that this religion gave to her such as economic independence, the right to education, work and commerce. History records in the Egypt ·of that time, women as eminent poets, authors and writers on law and astrology. This state of things continued to the middle of the ”Fatimite Rule” 600 years ago, when an eccentric king called “AI Hakem” ordered the total seclusion of women in their homes on penalty of death. To ensure· strict execution of his order he prevented shoe-makers from making or selling shoes for women.

It was said that for seven long years not a single woman was seen in the streets of Cairo. But knowing that this same ruler forbade the eating of J.!oney and ordered shops to close all day and open all night, we no longer doubt his madness. Whatever the cause might be, the fact remains that his reign marks the beginning of social deterioration and the status of women in Egypt went from bad to worse until they sank into complete obscurity.

The year 1919 would be a most suitable landmark in the history of our Egyptian women’s renaissance. A political revolution directed against the English broke out in Egypt that year. – The movement was not merely political. It was indeed national in the broad sense of the word. The desire that the Egyptians should govern their own country ·was accompanied by an equally keen desire that they should become worthy of their aspirations by trying to raise the standard of living, to educate women and give them a chance of becoming useful citizens. During the revolution the women of Egypt, under the leadership of our President Madame Charaouie, took their full share, fought side by side with men, made sacrifices and accepted the sad results bravely and courageously. The news of what our sisters did reached Europe through the press, and the whole world became aware of their existence.

The Egyptian woman was invited, for the first time, to attend the International Congress held in Rome in 1923. When Madame Charaouie returned from· Rome, the first thing she did was to discard the “Purdah”. Our Egyptian women followed her and did the same, so that ‘Purdah” disappeared from Egypt, and a serious obstacle was removed from our way of advance.

Then Madame Charaouie formed in our country ”The Egyptian Union of Women” which I represent today. The first thing my association did was to work hard in raising both the educational and -social standard of women, so that they would be fit for the equality we hoped for.

We, therefore, demanded from our Government the following things:-

• New laws restricting the minimum age of marriage to 16 for the girl and 18 for the boy.
• New laws raising the age at which a father could get custody of a child in case of divorce to 9 for the boy and 11 for the girl.
• Giving the right to woman to divorce her husband in special cases.
• Permitting married women teachers to carry on their teachin4t work.
• Opening all departments of education for girls.
• Abolishing extra-territorial rights in Egypt.
• Starting free compulsory education all over the country.
• Equal pay for men and women.

After a hard, short, struggle, all these demands were granted by our government. I am glad to say that we have now in Egypt women lawyers, barristers and doctors, practicing successfully. We have teachers and professors on the staff of the Universities, government officials in nearly all the ministries, pilots piloting planes on regular air service. Outside the government we have journalists, writers, thinkers, painters, artists etc.

Until the last year two faculties only out of all the different colleges we have in Egypt refused to admit any girl students, namely, the College of Agriculture and the College of Engineering. My association was very concerned about that matter and kept on asking and pressing until we succeeded this year, and girls were admitted to both. I am again glad to say that in a few years we will be having in Egypt women as engineers and agricultural specialists.

From the moral standpoint we demanded that the government should control the hours for public sale of liquors, and should abolish regulation of prostitution by withdrawing all the licenses and preparing special rescue homes for these unfortunate women. At last our demand was granted, but the project was again neglected because of the war.

On the economic side, our association did its best to encourage local industry. So we founded a big school of industry where the Egyptian young women learn to weave, make carpets, and all sorts of pottery work. We also run two other schools: one for primary education and the other for domestic studies. In these three schools hundreds of poor girls get free education and free meals too.

I have mentioned before that we were granted many of the rights we claimed. But it does not mean that we were granted everything. We still have much to fight for, and because of that we formed an Arab Union for Women representing Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Transjordan.

That Arab Union was formed for two just causes: the cause of women, and the cause of Palestine. Both were cases of natural and just right which had been taken away and should be restored at once. For the case of women we are fighting hard for:-

1. New laws restricting. Polygamy and divorce.
2. New laws raising the age at which a father could get custody over his child in case of divorce to 16 for the boy and 18 for the girl.
3. Allowing women to become judges.
4. Giving women the right to vote and go into Parliament.

Our demands concerning polygamy and divorce will not meet with any strong objection for everyone in Egypt now suffers under the present laws, and the public mind is prepared for the change. The proof is that polygamy in my country is dying out. In statistics of 1940 we find that the number of men married to more than one wife is 20,000 only out of 16,000,000. Only 200 men in the whole of Egypt have four wives. ·

I am very glad to say that our Government is very sympathetic to us in that point of view. The Minister of Social ·Affairs has already introduced a bill restricting polygamy and divorce, and that bill will be passed in the Parliament in the next sessions. Our demand concerning the right to vote will not also meet with any obstacle, because we are asking for a right, not a favor. Islamic religion gave us the right to vote for the Caliphs who were both religious as well as political leaders.

Dear friends, a few minutes ago I said that the Arab Union for Women was formed for two just causes. The first I have already explained. The second is Palestine.

Palestine too, is a case of confiscated rights which should be restored at once. Palestine is an Arab country. The Arabs have lived in it for centuries. Therefore, it is their own country and the European Jews have no right to usurp it. If some of the Europeans are so cruel as to persecute their Jewish countrymen for no reason, it is not our fault, and we should not bear the blame for others. We should not give our beloved home to those who have no right to it. Great countries like America and England that pride themselves over all others as builders of democracy, should never ignore the first principle of democracy in small countries like ours. For, we too have the right to enjoy it. And though our countries are small, we are as much human beings as the people of the big countries. We expect to be treated thus, and we do not like them to be generous at our expense.

The Arabs in Palestine are losing their land, property and homes. They are being kicked out for European Jews to take their place. Therefore, I appeal to all the people of India to stand beside the Palestinians and to defend them against their usurpers.

Before I finish, I would like to deliver to you all the love and respect of your Egyptian sisters. I also deliver to you their great hope of you and us working together in an Oriental Federation that would work for the great cause all over the East.

Message by Madame Charaouie Pasha, Chairperson, Pan-Arab League Women’s Union, Egypt

”Madame the President of the Conference, my dear Sisters, Women of India I would have loved to be present at your Conference, and give this message personally to express love and friendship which exists between our two countries although there is a great distance between the two lands. Owing to a very strenuous journey which I had to undergo recently, it is impossible for me to come to India to speak to you on the hopes and aspirations of Egyptian women as well as the whole Arabic world. I am sorry that I cannot have the pleasure of meeting you now, but I hope that a great number of Indian women will represent your country at the International Conference which is going to be held in Cairo in January 1947. I am looking forward to seeing many of you during that Conference.

“Now let me present to you our delegate to your Conference, Madam Amina El Sa’id. She is the Secretary-general of the Arab Union for Women, and is representing Egypt and Palestine. I also present Madam Bastoris, Madam. S. Gazawi, W. Selam and Madam. E. Faris Ibrahim, who represent Lebanon and Syria.

“Owing to difficult circumstances it has been impossible for the representatives of the other countries of the Arab world to be present at the All India Women’s Conference. I hope our representatives who are visiting your country now will be successful in their mission, and in conveying our message of love and friendship, and in bringing close our two nations, so that we could form a strong bloc to work in unity for the good and betterment of the oriental world and realize peace, plenty and justice for all of us. I conclude my message by conveying to you the greeting of all the Arab women, their hopes and good wishes for the success of your conference.” ·

Charaouie Pasha

Cairo, Egypt.

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Source: Wikipedia, Britannica, Alraida Journal, Wlahawogohokhra, sanipanhwar.com

The post Amina Sa’id – The Egyptian Women Rights Champion Who Visited Hyderabad Sindh in 1945 first appeared on Sindh Courier.

By Arun Babani

Homeless and penniless, leaving all their possessions behind in Pakistan, and coming to India, with only ‘dreams’ in their eyes, Sindhis were reduced to the status of refugees, with no place to call their own. Thousands of such helpless families were compelled by circumstances to settle in camps at Ulhasnagar. Fixed rations, consisting of just bare essentials were provided by the government, that too not very easily. One had to wait for hours in the queues! Psychologically, emotionally and financially handicapped, the families knew not how to grapple with such a humiliating fate. With no employment easily available, and children to care for, men found it an impossible hurdle to overcome, but not the womenfolk. With just simple culinary skills, sewing ability, and a strong spirit, the Sindhi women began using these capabilities to surmount all obstacles that had befallen the community. Literally out of nothing, was born a flourishing business of pickles, papads, khichas, wadis, pattice etc. etc. And the highlight of this business was that it involved maximum number of women, mainly housewives. Housewives who had taken upon themselves the Herculean task of seeing their families through to better times, decent homes, and quality lives.

Thousands of housewives all over Ulhasnagar engaged themselves in what could be termed as the ‘cottage industry’ of the township, making papads at home, and selling them house to house. When the small business took off, it seemed fit to form a group of ladies and roll out bulk stock, thereby increasing the scales.

Half a century later, there are still women who run successful enterprises with a handful of lady helpers. Prominent among them is Mrs. Nanki Manglani who has been in this field since twenty five years. Operating from Pune, she has shifted base to Ulhasnagar and along with her husband, Mrs. Nanki is happy today, that she has a decent home for her family. The most satisfying experience for her however is that she is able to provide simple employment for the womenfolk in her area. Every day, soon after the household chores are through, the women gather at her place, and roll out papads for about six hours. On an average each woman is able to make about five to six kilos of papads. These papads are then dried on the terrace, bundled and packed in plastic bags. They have regular wholesale buyers, not just in the town but in Pune and Mumbai as well. The business does well for nine months of the year, excepting the monsoons, during which time “business is not too good, but we manage by drying the papads in the ovens or ‘bathis’ as we call them” says Mrs. Nanki.

But all is not so well with Mr. Dayaldas of Satyanarayan papads. “Times are not the same “he says “the number of ladies working is far less today than some time back. Women today shift loyalties too quickly, moving to places which offer them a few pennies more. Besides, a small room in Ulhasnagar costs lakhs of rupees, and that means easy money for certain families that sell off their premises to builders, get substantial amounts, and move to distant places with decent lifestyles”.

There are many in Ulhasnagar today who believe that the downward trend began with the craze for Dubai and Singapore trips that were a great temptation for women who were paid quick and easy money for a few days trip. Something that a housewife had otherwise only dreamt of. A large number of womenfolk took maximum advantage of the situation, thus providing imported goodies for themselves and their families.  However not all were as fortunate and lucky. Many continued to slog and toil under difficult situations, and do so even today. Prominent among them is Mrs. Komal Kalra, staying in camp no. 3. A woman in her thirties, Komal has a regular routine of waking at 5 am, to make fresh potato pattice (Sindhi Chhap), for her husband Girish , who catches a local train to Mumbai and sells them house to house each day. Having respiratory problems that bind her to her bed for days together does not deter the woman from following her daily routine, as “we have to run the kitchen” she says.” Having two children to educate is not an easy task. With all the hard work, we are able to just make enough to eat a decent meal twice” Komal is satisfied, though not completely so, but has the support of her husband Girish, the man who silently and patiently runs the show outside, coming home every evening with his daily earnings.

For Sunita however things are far more difficult. Being a widow, and four children to care for, life has been a tearful rollercoaster ride. Not having any specialized skills she took upon herself the task of buying items as papads, khichas, wadis and even nighties and gowns and selling them house to house, in Mumbai. Travelling by the local train, she would scale the city from Shivaji Park to Bandra, making acquaintances and selling her goods. “I made it a point to leave home only after finishing the chores, and would always travel back home, no matter what. Even during the 1993 riots I came to Mumbai, but managed to go back for the safety of my children” A woman of daunting spirit, Sunita refused to live on charity as it undermined her self-respect, especially in front of her children. After twenty five years of hardship, she has heaved a sigh of relief as her eldest daughter is employed and so is her son. She now comes to the city every alternate day.

For a sheltered and overprotected daughter whose father’s word was final, be it education, or marriage, or a submissive wife whose every need and demand was provided for by the husband, but within the constraints of the four walls (pre-partition days), the Sindhi woman has certainly emerged the stronger emotionally and professionally. She has emerged a good mother, an excellent homemaker, and definitely a great partner. Above all the backbone of the family, a pillar of resilience, reassuring our faith and trust in her as the torch bearer of the Sindhi community. She indeed is the true leader, who survived due to her persevering spirit and values that did not let her stoop to begging, but made her an intelligent and enterprising entrepreneur.

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Courtesy: Sindhi Shaan

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