Mass agitation is never the story of a single day; it is a prolonged process marked by protests, strikes, shutdowns, and sustained public participation. Such movements require careful planning, organization, and strategic direction to achieve meaningful change.
By Mohsin Yaseen
The further society drifts from truth, the more it will hate those who speak it. (Selwyn Duke)
Pakistan’s eastern border, this time, is going through the so-called GenZ-led movement. India’s prime location near the parliament, “Jantar Mantar,” is boomed with students, civil society, political unions, journalists, the aged, and women. But what actually happened? Why did these demonstrations begin? The story of this resistance against the government is shaped by the alleged paper leak of the NEET examination. The exam is the sole gateway to undergraduate medical courses across India. Every year, 2 million students appear in the exam and compete for fewer than 130,000 seats, making it one of the toughest entrance exams. However, this year, when the highly quintessential exam was conducted by the government, the students, after the results, alleged that the ruling government was involved in the leaking of the paper and that several irregularities had been discovered. Shortly after the announcement of the results, four students died by suicide. Many students got frustrated with the government and called for a huge demonstration if the government would not reconsider the National Testing Agency (NTA) decision. However, the government on May 12 declared that the examination held nine days earlier had been voided and another test would be held.
Soon after that allegation, India’s veteran activist and educator Sonam Wangchuk called a hunger strike and demanded education reforms in India. With growing opportunities for resistance against the government, a newly established GenZ political party also rallied in Delhi and demanded relief and reforms. With this prevailing situation around the neighboring border, the reluctant behavior of Pakistani youth in major issues seems to be nowhere. How is the context vital? Why is GenZ of Pakistan irrelevant in the political process? Do they lack a thought process? In this piece, we would analyze this hot issue.
Generally, if we ponder on the South Asian geographical landscape, we have far greater examples of bravery, movements, wars, and revolutions driven by various reasons, including injustice, land grabbing, hegemony, looting, manipulation, and exploitation. Nonetheless, the people of Asian countries showed collective responsibility and made the enemy irresistible and intangible; for instance, the Pakistan movement. Earlier, this agitation was based on a few numbers, but slowly and gradually political awareness made the campaign the sole voice of Muslims in the subcontinent, and subsequently Pakistan was born on the global map.
Comparatively, the historical progress of youth-led agitations around Pakistan’s regional states portrays a different and impeccable analysis. Including the Gen Z movement of Nepal, which began in September 2025 over a social media ban. Primarily, this was not the sole reason behind this movement; however, corruption, misgovernance, nepotism, rising unemployment, and economic inequality were the biggest problems that ultimately brought democratic governance in Nepal after elections. On the other hand, Pakistan’s former territory “East Pakistan” had also witnessed political transformation since Hasina Wajid assumed office in 1996. After two decades of Hasina’s rule, she fled the PM house in August 2025, amid a mass student-led uprising. Allegedly, reports indicated that the issue for these student-led demonstrations was the quota system. When East Pakistan separated from West Pakistan, the state of Bangladesh had introduced reserved seats for freedom fighters in different departmental organizations, including the Bangladesh Public Service Commission (BPSC). While this unconstitutional quota system was taken by the government itself, the government had to decide who was a freedom fighter and who was not.
Now comes the Pakistan perspective. Why is it that students who are considered symbols of resistance in the earlier history of political repression seem to be hesitant to support any political movement in Pakistan? Why do most of them become too daunted to speak against the government? Why have free speech and freedom of expression collapsed over time in Pakistan?
The answers to the aforementioned questions are genuine and demand thorough scrutiny. While Ayub Khan’s martial regime, which was built on the narrative of the Green Revolution, was overthrown by student unions accompanied by the charismatic leadership of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Afterwards, when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was hanged, the political spectrum was once again led by dictator Zia-ul-Haq, who banned student unions across universities in Pakistan. Students’ political discourse, political gatherings, and study circles became restricted. A mass surveillance system was introduced to monitor political discussion on campuses.
With the passage of time, constitutional and democratic governance was restored; nonetheless, student politics remain at the behest of ruling parties, which deliberately use these unions for their political motive rather than as an independent, impartial intellectual organization. Additionally, the political unrest after the Kargil War opened the way for the Musharraf presidency, where authoritarian principles once again shrank the privilege of speech and handicapped liberty. The structure and application of political speech in Pakistan for dissent is nothing more than imprisonment. Yielding support for any political organization is a speech against the government, which is neither accepted by people in power nor tolerated.
The doctrine of irresistibility guides modern political states. Where applause has space but not resistance. Niccolo Machiavelli, an author of the marvelous book “The Prince” on kingship and leadership, stated the vision of rulers. How they shaped rule over the inferiors and what they ultimately choose when they anticipate the revolution. In his book, he illustrates king stops using morality to run government, rather deciding to go by a different strategy: the strategy of tactics.
Pakistan observers are saying that unification against our collective grievances has become a duty. However, this unification needs certainty and understanding. In comparison to different student-led demonstrations in regional states, Pakistan has not recovered from impediments and obstruction imposed by the government. Surrounding states have allowed democratic dissent, marches, and unions to some extent.
Lastly, mass agitation is never the story of a single day; it is a prolonged process marked by protests, strikes, shutdowns, and sustained public participation. Such movements require careful planning, organization, and strategic direction to achieve meaningful change. History across the region demonstrates that when governments become complicit in injustice or fail to address public grievances, collective resistance often emerges as a necessary democratic response. As Thomas Jefferson famously observed, “When injustice becomes law, resistance becomes duty.” In this sense, organized civic action is not merely an act of defiance but a vital instrument for safeguarding justice, accountability, and democratic values.
Read: GEN Z: HANDLE WITH CARE
____________________
Hailing from Mirpur Mathelo, District Ghotki, Sindh, Mohsin Yaseen Soomro is a student of LLB-Hons at Punjab University, Lahore. Email: mohsinsoomro693@gmail.com
