Homes — and nations — prosper not on privilege, but on fairness and shared rights.
- What Pakistan now needs is justice within the family — greater weight to revenue sources in the NFC Award, equity in PSDP and CPEC allocations, and respect for water agreements.
By Mohammad Ehsan Leghari
Let’s talk about the peculiar joys of Pakistan’s federal life — where Punjab, the “big brother” (who doesn’t seem too fond of his poorer relatives), reclines lazily on the sofa while the breakfast table is laid before him. His younger brothers stand by in service; when he’s full, they may take a few bites of what’s left. And then, out of nowhere, comes his complaint:
“Why don’t you people contribute more? You’re good for nothing!” What a charming scene, isn’t it?
For decades, the smaller provinces — Balochistan, Sindh, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa — have played the quiet, dutiful siblings, sustaining this federal household through their natural treasures: gas, taxes, and water. They did it for Pakistan, rarely raising a complaint.
And now, as resources shrink, the loudest grievances come from Punjab itself — amplified by certain media pundits who, armed with little research and much rhetoric, spin tales blaming the smaller provinces for not “doing their part.” The truth, of course, lies elsewhere. So, let us lift the veil on this family drama — gently, with a touch of irony and a dose of numbers.
The Generosity of Gas: Feeding the Family Furnace
Picture the year 1952 — five years after independence. Balochistan discovers natural gas at Sui. A few years later, in 1957, the Mari gas field in Sindh (now Ghotki District) is found — a vast reserve that would go on to fuel Pakistan’s industries and homes.
But did the locals get the first right to its use? Not at all. Quetta did not smell that gas until 1970, while pipelines had long been laid to Punjab’s factories and Sindh’s ports. For decades, Balochistan contributed between 36% and 45% of Pakistan’s gas production but consumed only a fraction of it — feeding the thirst of the big brother and, by extension, the rest.
Fast forward to April 2025: national production has declined by 8.4%. Yet Punjab still consumes 42% (1,401 – Millions Cubic Feet per Day -MMCFD) of gas; Sindh 41% (1,399 MMCFD); Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, just 5.56% (185 MMCFD); and Balochistan, the rest. Despite reduced reserves, Balochistan still produces about 492 MMCFD and uses only 334 — remaining, even now, a net giver.
Punjab, producing barely 3% of the total, credits its textile and fertilizer industries — and much of its growth — to this steady supply. But when Balochistan’s reserves began to decline (by 5% in 2023), some bitter commentators sneered:
“Look, they’ve stopped contributing! And yet we still host their children in our universities in Lahore!”
What irony! Without decades of gas from the smaller provinces, Punjab’s economy might still be running on coal. And let’s not forget — today, 98% of Pakistan’s gas comes from Sindh, Balochistan, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, while Punjab remains the largest consumer, thus enjoying preferential supply.
Development Projects: PSDP and CPEC
Now, let’s turn to the family budget.
For fiscal year 2025–26, the Public Sector Development Program (PSDP) stands at one trillion rupees. A glance at the projects tells a familiar story: under the much-praised 18th Amendment, the provinces have been told, in effect, “Grind your own bhang if you want to get high!” — i.e., manage on your own. To be fair, there have been attempts to address Balochistan’s deprivations. But look closer: the population-based formula ensures Punjab walks away with the biggest slice. Its highways and urban schemes dominate. And yet, the rest of Pakistan needs attention too.
As for the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) — it’s a journey where everyone fuels the engine, but the route is chosen by the big brother. While the energy projects — like the 1,320 MW Hub coal plant — were placed in Sindh and Balochistan along with Punjab, the roads and industrial zones have largely benefited Punjab. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, promised a 13% share, received barely 2%. Balochistan got the “honor” of hosting Gwadar, but not much else so far.
Pakistan Railways and the National Highway Authority and almost all federal departments follow the same pattern: maximum expenditure in Punjab and; major corridors pass through Punjab’s heartland, while other regions remain disconnected — and so Pakistan’s underdevelopment keeps circling back.
The Federal Purse: Who Gets the Pocket Money?
Now to the National Finance Commission (NFC) Award — the family allowance, so to speak.
In fiscal year 2025–26, provinces are set to receive Rs. 8.2 trillion from federal revenues — 56% to 57.5% under the 7th NFC Award. The division goes like this: Punjab 51.74%, Sindh 24.55%, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 14.62% (including 1% for terrorism-affected areas), and Balochistan 9.09%.
At first glance, it looks fair — but the real imbalance lies in the criteria. The source of revenue carries only 5% weight, meaning Punjab gets the largest share, even though much of the federal revenue originates from Sindh’s ports, Balochistan’s minerals, and interprovincial trade.
[In the current National Finance Commission (NFC) Award, the weight of revenue generation in the horizontal distribution formula among provinces is 5.0%. This multiple-criteria formula allocates funds based on population (82%), poverty/backwardness (10.3%), revenue generation (5%), and inverse population density (2.7%).]
Now, the federal government plans to make 59% of these transfers performance-based — as if teaching the hardworking brothers a lesson in responsibility by cutting their allowance.
Water Wars: “This Is Our Water!”
And then there’s the final layer — the politics of water.
The Cholistan Canal project, designed to irrigate Punjab’s desert, was halted in April 2025 after protests from Sindh by constitutional forum, Council of Common Interest (CCI). Yet just days ago, Punjab’s Chief Minister announced its resumption, declaring:
“This is Punjab’s water; we’ll decide how to use it.” This defies the 1991 Water Accord (which allocates 48% to Punjab, 42% to Sindh) and risks drying Sindh’s fields while displacing local Cholistan communities. It benefits the powerful few, while locals are promised “jobs- the laborers” in exchange.
The slogan “This is ours!” is nothing but populism — an election trick that benefits the elite, whether in Punjab or elsewhere.
Since before independence, Punjab has drawn the lion’s share from shared rivers. But fairness demands that every province get its rightful portion — without the arrogance of the “lion” that drinks upstream and accuses the “lamb” below of muddying the water. Punjab is not a lion, nor are the other provinces lambs. They are four beautiful units of one country.
The Forgotten People
Had the big brother’s policies uplifted Punjab’s own poor — especially in South Punjab — the other siblings might have endured this imbalance more patiently. But his voice has served mostly the elite: industrialists, landlords, and businessmen. That is why prosperity remains confined to a few districts. While Punjab’s overall poverty rate (around 31%) is below the national average, South Punjab remains among Pakistan’s poorest regions, with multidimensional poverty nearly double that of northern Punjab. Recent data show poverty here reaching 50% — comparable to the most deprived districts of Sindh and Balochistan.
In 2007, Punjab’s multidimensional poverty stood at 10%; today, it’s 6.7%, but that decline is uneven. Resources still flow toward cities, while rural deprivation persists.
If the big brother’s policies truly supported his own neglected regions, perhaps these family quarrels would fade. But the reality is that even Punjab’s people suffer from this inequity.
Yes, the smaller provinces have their flaws, and Punjab’s governance has been relatively stronger — but federal love and preference have always favored one.
A Family Council: For Fairness and Affection
The federation has always cared most for the eldest — regardless of who ruled Islamabad.
From gas to industry, taxes to development, the big brother has been the favored child, while some loud commentators still scold the others.
But the facts are clear: The smaller provinces — since 1947 — have been the pillars of this federation. Their resources built this house. The slogan “This is ours!” is nothing but populism — an election trick that benefits the elite, whether in Punjab or elsewhere.
What Pakistan now needs is justice within the family — greater weight to revenue sources in the NFC Award, equity in PSDP and CPEC allocations, and respect for water agreements.
Homes — and nations — prosper not on privilege, but on fairness and shared rights.
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Mohammad Ehsan Leghari is Member (Sindh), Indus River System Authority, and former Managing Director, SIDA.
