Former Ambassador M. Alam Brohi analyzes the situation in Sindh encompassing the wave of nationalism, PPP’s rule and the case of Sindh
- The PPP ruled Sindh in 1970s and 90s, and had been continuously in absolute power since 2008. But the law and order situation, poverty alleviation, protection of the province’s land and marine assets and resources leave much to be desired.
A. Alam Brohi
Open Field for PPP’s Misrule
The PPP, over decades, has remained in power in Sindh since 1970. The Senior Bhutto rode to power on the crest of public popularity. But cleverly inducted the influential landlords and feudal chiefs or so called electable in his party drifting from his real popular support base. Once in power, the sons and nephews of the landlords along with some genuine PPP supporters from the middle class were directly inducted in the civil service of Pakistan over and above the merit. This was followed as a precedent for direct inductions in the civil service by the subsequent PPP administrations taking this undesirable practice to a peak the expense of the rule-based appointments through Sindh Public Service Commission and the powers of the heads of the departments as prescribed by rules.
The PPP also gradually and steadfastly introduced a patron-client political system politicizing and monopolizing the appointments, transfers and postings in all the provincial departments. This system was stretched to include appointments of low paid employees up to grade 16 directly or through its appointed committees distributing the orders through its local leadership. For the senior positions also, the lists of the probable beneficiaries were prepared and handed over to the Sindh Public Service Commission or the so called Committees for senior appointments. These appointments were made at the cost of the deserving candidates by the SPSC – filled with the cronies of the ruling class. This system has turned the entire provincial administration into a cesspool of inefficiency, incompetence and cronyism. This is going on unchecked reducing the legally and constitutionally mandated SPSC to rubber stamp. This used to happen in medieval kingdoms. It is ridiculous to have this humiliating patronage system in the 21st century.
The PPP has been continuously in absolute power in the province since 2008. But the law and order situation, poverty alleviation, protection of the province’s land and marine assets and resources leave much to be desired. The precious Islands of Sindh had been almost overtaken by the federal authority on the pretext of developing separate elite residential enclaves through foreign investment. The Sindh government had issued No Objection Certificate for the ill-considered development schemes. But the hue and cry of the Sindhi nationalists and the conscious citizens forced the Government of Sindh to back off.
Earlier, billions were squandered on the development of Al-Zulfiqar city along the coastal area. What happened to this city; who were the ultimate beneficiaries of the developed plots there; why this scheme was abruptly abandoned; what is the current status of this scheme are a few questions which beg answers from the ruling PPP. Currently, there is no mention of Al-Zulfikar city in any national daily or electronic media nor it is talked about in drawing room discussions.
The precious Islands of Sindh had been almost overtaken by the federal authority on the pretext of developing separate elite residential enclaves through foreign investment.
The dubious transfer of the precious land to Bahria Town Karachi through the Malir Development Authority, and the subsequent expansion of the development scheme over thousands of acres of the private land of the poor local population with the support of the PPP administration as laid bare in the detailed and famous Supreme Court case, are sorrowful precedents of the collusion of the elite to exploit the helplessness of the poor. Though the Supreme Court reassessed the value of the land and fined the Bahria Town with over Rs.450 billion for compensation to the landowners, it is widely believed that the amount if ever recovered from the developer would be squandered here or there by the Sindh government without a single penny to be spent for the welfare of the indigenous people.
The allocation of Sindh’s lands for the DHA City along the super highway is another case in point. The sons and daughters of Sindh should at least try to have the essential information regarding this huge transaction in terms of the price, total acreage of the land, terms and conditions of the lease, buyers or allottees of the plots etc. The lands allocated to the Armed Forces of Pakistan for DHA Karachi, Malir Cantonment, Bahria and Air Force residential enclaves at the prime locations in the city would be worth of billions. The new allotment of lands measuring 6000 acres to DHA Karachi in Hawksbay, and over 52,000 acres of arable land for Corporate Farming is another feather in the cap of the PPP administration. Thousands of acres of land have reportedly been allotted to foreign countries for growing fodder for their animals. This is, to say the minimum, reckless squandering of the resources of the province.
The dubious transfer of the precious land to Bahria Town Karachi through the Malir Development Authority, and allocation of lands for the DHA City along the super highway is another case in point
Are the surcharges collected by the local administrations from the Gas and Oil companies for local development being utilized honestly and judiciously is another question which needs probe and accountability. The National Accountability Bureau was rendered toothless by a new legislation enacted by the PDM regime soon after ousting the PTI government in a No Confidence Motion with the support of the establishment. These legislations restricted the powers of the NAB for intervention in the corruption cases involving more than Rs.500million. Isn’t it ridiculous? The provincial Anti-Corruption Establishments are filled with the cronies of the ruling class and are only effectively used against political opponents in witch hunting. So, the corruption is galore among the bureaucracy, political workers and political bosses being done with impunity.
This pervasive spectacle has been having a domino effect on the public. The corrupt bureaucrats from different federal and provincial departments are making the public corrupt to the core. A small official of WAPDA charges Rs.15000 per month for each and every air condition in a house for round the clock consumption of the electricity in Larkana, my home town. The revenue officials show half of the land of a landlord uncultivated saving him from the land revenue, though already meager. Every appointment – junior or senior – has a price tag. It is commonly claimed that postings to lucrative positions in the district administration either requires the endorsement of a strong political boss or a heavy brief case quietly left in the drawing room of the political or administrative boss who wields the requisite power. This situation has created uncertainty, despondency and eroded the public trust in the state and state institutions.
Apprehensions of Sindhis for Division of their Land
Sindhis have been living with this Damocles’ sword hanging over their head since the creation of the MQM. They have the precedence of the One-Unit and the declaration of Karachi as the federal city in the early years of our independence. So, the Sindhis expect anything from the federal authority. They have no trust in the leadership of the PPP which consists of the corrupt elite which could not stand up to the establishment. Karachi has become a huge city stretching towards Hyderabad, and within a decade or so it would join the boundaries of the second big city of the province.
With these two big cities becoming a Siamese twin, the province will require administrative and political adjustments necessitating the restructuring of the Legislative Assembly, representations in the National Assembly and Senate, and creation of effective local governments to cope with the burgeoning population and the growing needs of both megacities in terms of education, healthcare, town planning, communication, transport, water, power, sewerage, solid waste management etc.
Creation of More Provinces
For decades, there has been a persistent talk of increasing the number of the provinces or the administrative units in the country which resurfaces from time to time giving a fillip to the mantra of MQM to carve out a separate Mohajir Province out of Sindh. The Seraiki belt of the Punjab has been demanding a separate province. All political parties have per force supported this demand. The PPP has been more enthusiastic for the creation of the South Punjab Province. Even there have been suggestions that the current Divisions should be declared as administrative units to devolve power at the maximum lower level. But these proposals have not thus far received any serious considerations by the political leadership. The mainstream political parties of Punjab including the Pakistan Muslim League (n) and the Pakistan Tehrik –e- Insaf are somewhat lukewarm about the South Punjab province.
Read: Amendment in Indus River System Authority Act: Save Sindh from Ruination
For the creation of new provinces, the proposals don’t give any definite outlines except that the Punjab may be divided into provinces carving out South Punjab Province consisting of the Seraiki speaking districts with its capital at Multan or Bahawalpur. The proposal has failed to gain traction among the Punjab bureaucracy, the influential politicians of the central Punjab and the establishment. The Punjab bureaucracy will resist the creation of the South Punjab province.
The former federally administered tribal areas have been, quite lately, claimouring for a separate entity. We recall these areas were merged in the KPK two years back during the PTI regime. These areas are culturally, ethnically, and linguistically part of the KPK. They have also close familial links across the border. Their demand for a separate political and administrative entity is apparently anchored in the misplaced political ambitions of some politicians or backed by foreign elements particularly to weaken Pakistan’s claim on the Durand Line as the International border between Pakistan and Afghanistan.
In Balochistan, there are districts of Pashto speaking which were carved out by the British colonial power from the erstwhile Northern Western Frontier Province and merged with the Balochistan controlled by the British India.. These districts were administratively and politically ruled by the Empire keeping them out of the rule of the Khanate of Kalat. These districts formed part of Balochistan when Pakistan emerged as the successor state to the British India in this part of the Sub-continent. They are historically, culturally, ethnically and linguistically not part of Balochistan and feel more affiliated with their Pashto speaking brothers of KPK.
The Baloch leaders when they were en mass in the National Awami Party led by Khan Abdul Wali Khan are on the record to have said that their Pashto speaking brothers were free to rejoin KPK as the British India had carved out these districts from the KPK and included in the Baloch dominated Balochistan under their notorious policy of divide and rule. The British India had a long political and kinetic campaign to subdue Baloch to accept their tutelage. So, the Baloch will have no problem if these Pashto speaking areas are made a separate province or made part of KPK. (Continues – 3rd and last part to appear on Monday September 30, 2024)
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The author is a former member of the Foreign Service of Pakistan and has served as Ambassador for seven years.
